MIND OVER CHATTER ARCHIVE

____________________________________

Pulling Sir Freddie's teeth: Mad dentist strikes

It is a sobering thought indeed to note that our country at the moment is led and represented by a pompous autistic, an arrogant young twit with the skin and tact of a rhino, a fiscal manager who looks perpetually confused, and an ignorant gender bigot. But it is to the last of these alone we must turn again this morning, for she is without doubt the greatest danger to our culture and freedoms since Hitler.

Early in 2008 (Grievous bodily Harman) nby described our Deputy Prime Minister as 'deranged and divisive', and subsequent events have only hardened our view. This person who now, astonishingly, harbours an ambition to be the first female Labour leader, has ventured out from her 1973 Wimmin's Camp of gender balancing and into the rest of the world - a place of which she understands precisely nothing.

The opening paragraph above used the words 'ignorant'and 'bigot', so let us examine whether such harsh judgement is fair. Harriet Harman is clearly unaware of how basic liberties are protected and nurtured, but this is a kind conclusion: it could well be she knows perfectly well how this is done and undone, but simply doesn't care. Suffice to say that in three pieces of legislation to date, she has put the 'needs' of her own gender (most of whom don't recognise or want them anyway) above both the European Courts and simple common sense. The EU Human Rights Court will throw out this latest Prostitution Bill as sure as eggs are eggs, but we proceed anyway: ignoring social advice, trampling on experience, angering a cross section of society - and thus wasting an enormous amount of time passing a law that is unconstitutional in EU legal terms.

Ms Harman is a bigot purely because she represents but one gender, and believes the other one is to blame for everything - divorce, child neglect, paid-for sex and the breakdown of our economic system. In this black and white context, she is the Iain Paisley of her age, only less attractive - and infinitely less charming in private. But the latest Problem With Men she has discovered concerns Sir Freddie Goodwin and his pension plan. Here again, Harman's guiding light is controlling ignorance.

Nby readers know our view of Goodwin well enough. In 2007 we described him thus:

'....a vain and silly man who has - in purchasing ABN Amro - paid far too much to buy something of no commercial use. In the City last week, not a single person whose opinion I rate could find one sound business reason for the deal; and thus we are drawn inexorably to the conclusion that Sir Badloss must have a very small penis indeed.'

The bloke is and always has been an arse. But gigantic human buttock-brain or not, he is entitled to the protection of the Law. Harriet Harman doesn't think so, but that's the ignorance thing again, see: she perceives the legal system to be kind of 'in the way' - a view she shares with Lord Birt, the other outstanding dunce of our generation.

The facts are plain for all to see. Morally, Sir Freddie is entitled to nothing more than a poke in the eye. Legally he is on rock-solid ground: his severance package was approved by the Treasury, and thus (we must assume) by the Chancellor. Gordon Brown - ever the man who will go to any unfair lengths to promote fairness - signed off on the deal by default and then bled all over the media about how ghastly the whole thing is and why won't he give the money back.

Observe La Harman's response to this:

"Sir Freddie will not be allowed to keep the money. If we cannot get it back under existing laws, then we will pass new ones. The Prime Minister has declared the situation unacceptable, so it will not be accepted. This is where government comes in".

Walter Bagehot, eat your heart out. 'Snot fair yah-boo' might play well in the British media, but once again (as her looney friends discovered fifteen years ago with anti-male pension bigotry) the EU Courts simply will not wear retrospective legislation in any shape or form. Less disturbing but rather funnier is the Sun-King 'we are not worthy' bit: He has spoken and thus we can but obey....before stabbing him in the back.

The quote - even if only half of it was correct - must give cause for grave concern to anyone genuinely interested in liberty; more than any other statement of recent years, Hattie's 'this is where government comes in' drivel is an unconscious warning voice saying "We need a written Constitution, and we need it now".

But what do I know? Perhaps HRH is onto something here: if we can set the precedent of stealing money back from those who have (to use her own words) been rewarded for failure, then the UK's money problems are over. She, the whole New Labour Cabinet and the Civil Service have pension commitments totalling £200 billion - and rising. As none of these wasters have done anything except fail for the last fifty years at least, we'll simply take the lot back. All over the Southern Counties are old bufferish Sir Humphreys who were part of that, so we'll have their dosh back as well. And signor Scolari's wedge, Birt's payoff, Blair's peace award, all the salaries he amassed as a result of doing Dubya's bidding, all the useless money paid to IT companies involved in Connecting for Health, all the gold dumped onto a speechless market by Gordon XIV....

It is all too silly for words. But the words must be written, because Space Cadet Third Class Harman is perilously close to being at the controls.

Surveillance, Freedom of Information, and the shifting sands of power

As we have all suspected for many years, Governing elites will always want to be the exception to a rule. As history used to teach our children, whenever the disenfranchised get close to the centre of power, it simply moves somewhere else. And as we are rapidly learning with the current Establishment, it prefers abolute and unassailable powers of rejection to the Rule of Law.

For all these reasons, the Freedom of Information Act is yet another circus put on to distract attention away from the most pernicious development of the last fifty years: the desire of the Executive to be above the Law, to have untrammelled control over every aspect of our lives, and to be in fewer and fewer hands - as far removed from Parliamentary control as possible.

Jack Straw stood up before Parliament yesterday and argued that to release the minutes of Cabinet meetings during the crucial run-up to the Iraq War "would do serious damage to Cabinet government". There are two ripostes to this entirely predictable decision. First, politicians and their behaviour do serious damage to Cabinet government - not minutes merely revealing what a devious, law-bending bunch of control-freaks they are. And second, serious damage is what should be done to contemporary Cabinet government - for it has become a shambles. And it has reached this irreparable state because - as always - power-mad folks like Blair, Brown, Smith and Miliband like things kept small. Discreet. Quiet. Oh alright then, secret.

Straw's risible argument - that politicians won't speak their minds in Cabinet if they know these words will later be read by the electorate - is the sort of opinion a first year philosophy logician could comprehensively pull to bits in a thousand-word tutorial essay. So politicians only do and say the right thing when someone's listening, eh Jack? Yup, well - that's what we always figured anyway. And Cabinet dissenters don't want their dissent to be known, huh? Yup, well - that must be why Cabinets have been leakier than the Titanic ever since the Blair Cult came to power. And what if they do shut up in the future - is it going to make any difference to the current sham called Cabinet government? Can we be allowed as the electorate to judge them on their silence: or is that called democracy or something? Is a Minister too spineless for recourse to his own discipline - the Law - now to be deemed 'more' Sovereign than Parliament?

The Conservatives - needless to say - are whingeing a bit about ignoring the Courts, but they declare themselves 'in agreement' with Straw's general view. So they're tarred with the same brush.

The obvious self-preservation of government 'exceptions' is never missed by the media, and those intelligent enough to grasp the issues at stake. But the Establishment never seems to twig just how bollock-naked they appear in every instance. Sure, we'd like to snoop on you....but you can't snoop on us. Absolutely, we want honest, regulated advertising.....but not for party political advertising. Of course those who defraud must be brought to book, and corporate accountancy made more open...but not MPs fiddling their expenses. Dear me no. For that would do serious damage to Parliamentary Government.

 

 


Re: Britain

The prefix 're' sums up contemporary Britain quite neatly. Its culture is risk-averse, profit-fixated, and largely uncreative: thus it is forced to fall back on 're' time after time.

Many cinema films are remakes. When these run out, old ideas are turned into returns - of Batman, the Jedi, or any other hero that might be to hand. Most of the West End's theatreland is showing revivals, and when not doing that features re-engineered ideas from other media: The Producers - the Stage Play; Mamma Mia - the Musical; We will Rock You - the Queen collection....andonandonandonandon.

Restaurants and shop chains are regularly revamped and brands relaunched. News stories broken at the start of a day are rehashed until nightfall on 24/7 news stations.

Political Parties are repositioned, because they can no longer live up to the old one. Government cock-ups spawn reviews, in which the data is revisited and then the report quietly filed somewhere more private. If a policy gets bad press, it is immediately reconsidered, reshaped and then regurgitated....in the hope that this will reassure people.

Yet the three 're' words we need today are largely absent from the scene. They are renewal (of ethical values and behaviours); revitalisation - of our national genius for invention, risk taking and having a go; and reform of our Constititional processes. Not one of the current Parties truly wants any of these. Peopled by the bland and supported by complexifying civil servants, they fear all radical change.

And that makes us probably the most unhealthy society in the developed world.

Taking liberties

Two important reasons we are rapidly losing basic freedoms are first, extremists filtering into a fellow-travelling host population; and second, ethically bereft citizens who have either forgotten how to behave - or never knew in the first place.

But probably just as much restricted liberty comes from nothing more complicated than government incompetence in targeting nuisance.

The Home Office has lost track of terrorists (and let the first wave in anyway) so now we've all got to have ID cards. The police can't get tagging technology to work or keep up with petty crime going unpunished, so now we're all going to get eyeprints and gene data stuck into our passports. Speed cameras either don't make any difference or don't work, so now the suggestion is obligatory 2-way Satnav in every vehicle.

And of course, ISPs claim they can't halt the Tsunami of spam going through their switchgear (what a joke) so now they simply spam out any email containing an image and/or over fifteen recipients.

But this won't be the reason liberal democracy comes to an end in Britain: that will happen because everyone's too busy or distracted to care.

Dear Everyone in charge

This is really all most people want: a stable life with reasonable expectations, a better education for their kids, the elderly looked after with dignity, protection from commercial scammers, safe communities in which to mingle freely, a form of public health provision that is both targeted and efficient, a degree of job satisfaction, a hobby or interest, access to sport, time to relax while founding and building a happy home - and above all, genuine empowerment towards a community say and responsibility, alongside a level of trust in those tasked with spearheading the running of that community.

There is no way on Earth that the disparities of wealth and mendacious commerce we have in the UK today could possibly support and complement such a devolved, fairer, more 'grown-up' role for our citizens. Any government in this frightening future will have to extract far more money from the super-rich businesses and individuals who currently do what they wish with little or no government interference.

This is not a call for 'wealth redistribution', because such an idea has never worked - and anyway runs contrary to both the appetitive nature of Homo sapiens, and the inequities of ability in all societies. Rather, the vast majority of more fairly raised taxes should go into backing community entrepreneurs, conservation schemes, holistic social education, effective population control, medical research and provision, local agriculture, socially useful technical innovation, and craft skills at all levels.

 


2008:

a final word on stimulation and welfare

For all its ludicrous 'New' prefix, Labour remains a corporatist political Party: a believer in Big and On Message and hubris-fuelled promises that quickly become a hostage to fortune. It likes One Size Fits all and universal largesse - both of which reflect the movement's fundamental inability since 1997 to recognise the difference between the deserving and the desultory. It is this lack of discernment which lies at the heart of its abject failure to deal with the current fiscal, economic and human crisis.

The Party which belatedly dumped Clause Four clings still to the principle of No Means Testing. In practice, what this means is a Government genetically unable to accept the idea of targeted relief. This is a pretty fundamental problem given that in the current crisis, if Britain is not to finish up both morally and financially bankrupt, targeting should be central to relief strategy.

I do not attach the term 'relief' solely to the individual employee: I associate it equally with business. The sheer size of the bailout for banks doesn't make them any different for me to any other welfare cheat; and equally, the innocent victim-families over-persuaded to borrow by banks are no different to the fundamentally healthy small entrepreneurs currently being strangled by those same banks. I'm not one for uncaring Survival of the Fittest, but I do think young primates deserve our help more than pea-brained dinosaurs.

Some of the damage done by untargeted relief is already in the past, worse luck. I have yet to find any economist or politician able to tell me why we didn't just bail out the Northern Rock savers and let the corporate entity go to the wall. Equally, nobody seems able to explain why we spent more on rescuing our financial system than the Americans did - their economy being 37 times the size of ours, an' all.

The biggest lesson of all I take out of Globalist Bourse-financed capitalism's latest bust is that it is not a small world: that as some of us always suspected, Theodore Levitt was talking out of his hat, and Milt Friedman was a theorist whose daft ideas never produced anything other than chaos in practice. It is a very big, culturally and economically multivariate world. A world which - taken as one entity - the G20 leaders have been less than impressive to date in their 'ideas' as to how to get the show back on the road.

I think it should be the job of all those who oppose More of the Same to put forward the following cogent argument:

Smaller, community-level targeted relief and growth-support policies carried out by devolved and accountable government is far more likely to build for the future. So far, national and supra-national schemes have had minimal effect, rewarding only those who failed in the past. Only targeted support will give the best opportunities for the most deserving businesses and individuals. We only have a limited amount of money: let us ensure we get the best possible value for that money.

This is merely one more strand in the stance that separates nby from the two main parties. The Tories want devil take the hindmost - we want individuals to take responsibility, but also have a safety net. Labour want to make equality without effort the keystone of a lowest common denominator culture - we want equality of opportunity and the chance for everyone to achieve realistic aspirations. The other two like giving the big and powerful a free hand - we value the protection of small consumers and business people, and moral regulation of anyone who gets too big for their boots. The other two think Westminster has the answers - we have severe doubts about that.

I still think the Gordian Knot is planning a snap early election. In that context, any Opposition movement focusing on these relevant policy distinctions will, I'm sure, strike a chord with the electorate. But cutting through the noise created by panic and hypocrisy will make any breakthrough this time around extremely unlikely.


With every week that passes, Brown's regime becomes more and more Nixonian

 

As the Greengate affair rumbles along in the background, it is hard for those of us who remember early 1970s America to ignore the parallel: an increasingly controlling Executive, fears for personal liberty - and a man at the top with serious personality dysfunction.

Despite the chalk and cheese of their politics, Nixon and Brown do share striking similarities of background and character.

They had puritanical backgrounds with domineering fathers, were intellectual prodigies, intensely private - and awkward in company and public, at the same time giving the impression of being - while heterosexual - somehow 'not quite right'. The 1960 anti-Nixon slogan 'Would you buy a used car from this Man?' seemed to fit immediately; but I've also now lost count of the number of women who find Brown 'odd' - in one case remarking, 'I wouldn't leave my children with him'.

The observations may be unfair, but there is something abnormally untrustworthy in the dissembling, shifty nature of these men - an ethical doubt borne out in both cases by shadows and clouds after every episode - and strangely locked cupboards where nobody may go.

Both were manipulative in their cultivation of 'poor me': Nixon the small-town farmboy who 'never had it easy like the Kennedys', and Brown the young man agonising about potentially lost sight - a fact the politician kept to himself until he needed a sympathetic leadership image. Dicky wrote about 'Five Crises', and Gordon continues to insist he is the best man in crises. Nixon had his Kennedy to envy, and Brown has his Blair to hate: 'it came naturally to them, but I've had a to work at it' is also a shared view of their lives - displaying an obvious desire to be seen as noble and heroic.

Fellow sufferes from indecisive depression, they instinctively disappeared from the stage when blame was being assigned. They expected people to accept ridiculous explanations of dubious behaviour, and had associates who insisted they were very nice really - but swore obscenely at aides (or screamed at secretaries) in private.

I was struck by the remark made by Lord Frost that there was 'a good Nixon and a bad Nixon'. This is probably true of all of us to some extent, but the black hat/white hat schizophrenia is something that sticks to Brown in precisely the same way as to Tricky Dicky: they meant well. And so ergo, the ends must surely justify the means.....because of course, they had our best interests at heart.

This is perhaps where the most chilling comparison comes into play. Ever since the Watergate Affair, every political scandal has become the lazy journalist's excuse to slap 'gate'on the end. But the arrest of Tory MP Damian Green (although oddly, few are calling it Greengate as yet) may well at last merit that suffix.

The emerging facts have been giving me a curious case of deja vu all week. Say what you like, this smells bad for New Labour - and my hack's instinct says there is rarely smell without excrement. We have a Home Secretary (Attorney General) denying all knowledge of an operation known to others with less reason to know; we have a Leader of the House (Congessional majority Leader) arranging secret meetings with a Speaker, overrruling that Speaker with Executive subterfuge (Haldeman), and then a Chief Whip (Erlichman) using the familiar despicable pressures to get the vote out and defeat Opposition motions for full enclosure. If ever a person sat in utter contempt of the House of Commons, then that was Harriet Harman (Howard Hunt) last Thursday, grinning inanely as both Opposition Parties poured doubt, scorn and dismay all over her disgraceful performance.

Then a letter from the Cabinet Office to the police surfaces, insisting on an investigation into Home Office leaks involving 'considerable damage to national security'. And for some as yet unclear reason, the police seem on solid ground when they pitch up at the Palace of Westminster, bundle their way past the Sergeant at Arms and start searching a legislator's office without a warrant. This strikes me, using my common sense, as the action of senior plods pretty damn certain that they were acting on a government brief. Which, in a way, the Cabinet Office letter was.

I will always defend the right of our security services to do what the Americans call 'bad shit'. There are, after all, lots of exceedingly mad and nasty folks out there who would do it to us without batting an eyelid. But this is a Government led by a man who thinks he has a Higher Authority - an arrogant and obsessively driven man who always thinks he knows best - and has established form as a man who plays the national security card as an airbrush to make his historical errors disappear. The Home Office has plenty to cover up - including (obviously) mendacious cock-ups about people entering the country who shouldn't have done.

Last Friday, a small piece on page two of the FinancialTimes pointed up the increasing Conservative frustration with Gordon Brown's persistent deferral of a promise to brief the Opposition prior to any election. The pledge (allegedly made nine months ago) said that the process in relation to some of the key fiscal and economic factors would begin on January 4th 2009. There is no sign at all of this happening, and this in turn suggests two obvious hypotheses: one, there is yet more smelly stuff the Government doesn't want the Opposition to know; and two, Gordon plans a snap election during which most of the damning facts are unavailable to both electorate and Opposition. (Lest we forget, this is what got Tricky Dicky re-elected in 1972)

Meanwhile, the Cabinet Office letter has moved the case closer to further senior figures. We are now at the stage with Watergate where Woodward and Bernstein needed Deep Throat's guidance to establish a Presidential order. In my view, there are heads which will roll in the end, although the Prime Minister was probably uninvolved personally. But whether that opinion is correct or not, we should all chew very hard on this undeniable reality: had Green been the recipient of leaks from his own Deep Throat a few years from now, GCHQ would have known about it instantly - and we would never have known about the content at all.

(Also posted at LibdemVoice, 17.12.08)



Let's accept the pain, but think harder about why it's happening

I have decided after some reflection that the best new silly name for our Chancellor is Analgesic Darling. Perhaps the new US President will become Barack Obalma, or the French one Nicolas Sarcosier. Almost all elected politicians now seem to care for nothing beyond keeping the People sweet and thus staying in their positions of powerlessness.

It occasionally amuses me to think what contemporary British leaders would've done after Dunkirk in 1940. Itself a disastrous defeat spun into a 'glorious rescue', Churchill abruptly stopped the spin a fortnight later when he told the electors "I have nothing to offer you but blood, toil, tears and sweat". People alive at the time have told me again and again how that wake-up call - however blunt - was a huge relief after years of dissembling appeasement: 'at last we're getting real - now let's get on with it'.

I'd imagine Miliband would have told Hitler (as his tanks grouped outside the French seaside town) that "This is Herr Hitler's last and final chance to withdraw, otherwise we shall get jolly angry". Darling meanwhile would stress how impractical invading over water is - "It hasn't happened for nine hundred years" - and Brown's insistence that, compared to Poland, France and Holland, Britain was far better equipped to resist invasion would assuredly have become the new broken record. As for Mandelson - who knows? He would be urging the Warmington-On-Sea bank manager to repair the brave ships back from Dunkirk, ready to reinvade the Continent "once Mr Hitler has come to his senses as I'm sure he will - he's a charming man really, I was his houseguest for a while and nothing was too much trouble and those pretty blond SS boys in their shiny boots look absolutely dreamy".

The Government's terror of taking the British people into its confidence reflects of course the deeply patronising and superior attitude all those at Westminster have always had towards the poor, defenceless and misled: their assumption is that we will all collapse with a nervous breakdown - as opposed to seeing truth as the tonic for which many have been asking for over five years.

As a few enlightened media observers - and almost everyone at senior levels in commerce - at last accept, the $6.1 trillion invested worldwide to date on 'repairing' the global financial system is not only having no effect, it was never going to. We must now file this disappearing cash mountain under 'being seen to be doing something'. (Unconsciously, Gordon Brown gives this away by calling the Tories 'the do nothing Party'. If only there was enough intellect on the front bench of that Party to bury him permanently for saying it.)

The cash burned in the name of global neo-liberalist madness was far too little far too late. A stitch in time, by comparison, would've done the trick for nothing. But that time was 2002, when only a Bull future was seen - as opposed to a credit-fuelled rally against the start of a long-term Bearish environment. And yes, hindsight is a wonderful thing: but many of us railed against the credit mechanism back then, too.

The simple bottom line is as follows: the policy of this and other governments around the world is to get people spending again, thus incurring more debt, thus incurring an even bigger disaster when new marketing targets for lending can't be met....thanks to bolted-horse credit restrictions. Only by looking at it in this light can one appreciate how utterly insane 'fiscal stimulation' is.

It is time to stop putting off the pain: we must take the hit, and take it now. No more anaesthetic: from here on everyone needs to bite leather and try to ignore the sawing sounds as best they can. But part of the problem is that very few people have a clear idea of what the hit should be - and how we can avoid more collisions with fantasy in the future.

We have arrived where we are - in both a long and short-term sense - for one major reason: human hubris. We've had it ever since the bigger brain was fitted 700,000 years ago, and short of evolving into another species right now (technically impossible) the only solution is to allow for it in every system we produce for everything.

As nby has suggested for some time (The Point) there are two theoretically opposed groups in society - the globalists and the politically correct - who for their own reasons wish to pretend respectively that (a) men and women live by bread alone and (b) men and women are nice and fluffy and terribly sensitive. Both have a vested interest in denial of reality: and thus what we've arrived at in the West is multinational corporate irresponsibility alongside hopelessly untargeted social rules and benefits.

Happily, we have neuroscientific and social behavioural data to hand today which show that the overwhelming majority of humans get a far bigger kick out of having fun with their families than making money; that many personality traits are both inherited and socialised; and that, when things get too easy (or the idea of pack cooperation is rejected) we become quite unfeasibly greedy.

The problem is that none of this learning has been taken on board by anyone in a major Western government. There is one leader on the planet at the moment - President Da Silva of Brazil - who has come out of the closet to say 'the first thing we need to do is escape from the madhouse'. Everyone else is still drivelling on about jolts and kick-starts and ensuring nobody suffers...except for Harriet Harman (who thinks gender balance is the answer) and Jacqui Smith (who's gone MI6 native and clearly believes an overdose of Hobbesian repression is what we nasty, brutish voters need).

The view of this highly esteemed but regrettably tiny organ remains the same, except with the new added urgency ingredient: forget fixing globally aligned banks and bourses as the only course - it can't be done. Remember instead that, as a naturally commercial species, sapiens man no longer has an objective. It ain't production targets and it ain't command economy, fuelling either with credit is the ultimate folly, and doing them at the expense of families and communities is costing taxpayers a fortune.

What we need above all is to ditch trickle-down economics in favour of trickle-up political reform - a pressure for fundamental reform the Establishment can't ignore. The best way to achieve this is by the internet - before GCHQ effectively closes it down as a means of protest and enlightenment.

My offer for interested parties to get in touch about this still stands. So far we have ten recruits: join up with this acorn by emailing to john@johnaward.netjohn@johnaward.net

 

 

 


THEY CAME ILLEGALLY. I DID NOT KNOW WHO THEY WERE AFTER. THEY HAD NO WARRANT. I DID NOT KNOW THIS. NEXT TIME I WILL ASK. I HAVE DONE MY DUTY.

This is the gist of Speaker Martin’s defence. It is the defence of a man (and his sergeant at arms) who know nothing about their jobs - officials who had far less of a task than the men who faced Charles I – a Monarch who did at least have a legal warrant to arrest five MPs, the ‘birds who have flown’.

It was pretty pathetic stuff, this statement. Worse still, it showed that a sloppy police operation by a bunch of chippy coppers (who deliberately misled the sergeant at arms) could quite easily have been turned away at the outside gate; but they succeeded in gaining access to the secret and private files of a Shadow Minister about his legal business. Once in the MP’s office, the police illegally objected to their presence being filmed, and ejected a senior Tory MP without the legally required explanation. It would be good in the light of this completely unauthorised trespass, perhaps, if MI6 concentrated on tightening up on House of Commons security.

We would all have more faith in the Speaker’s statement were it not for the leaks about secret ducks-in-a-row meetings, and the now certain knowledge that the operation was masterminded by the Cabinet Office. Are we really to believe that the most centrally responsible Minister Jacqui Smith knew nothing about this? Can we accept the bumbling drivel offered up to Paxman last night by House Leader Harriet Harman that she too was ignorant of it and somehow still has confidence in the Speaker and sergeant?

Above anything else, this case shows up the woeful ignorance of police, Ministers, Speakers and public about how our libertarian democracy works – and how few sabots would be required to destroy its engine. But the most willfully ignorant of all (and why are we surprised?) is the Prime Minister himself, who laughably argued during yesterday’s debate that the police claim to be defending national security had substance. He should perhaps explain to the British people – having infuriatingly refused to answer the Opposition’s questions – how immigration department cock-ups and lies in relation to dangerous immigrants remaining unknown could possibly be in the interests of national security.

We should remember one vital fact in all this: these are the amoral, dissembling, hypocritical and arrogant Ministers asking us to give £12billion of our own money to have their pinched goblins spy on us. The mind boggles at such astonishing nerve. And the request demands the loud cry of “No, no, no – and no again!”

 

 

Why the John Sergeant affair is a metaphor for the democratic dilemma

How strange our contemporary media are. The old show Come Dancing is relaunched as Strictly Come Dancing, and becomes a hit chiefly because it uses celeb contestants - who demonstrate week in week out that 'strictly' has become one of those Orwellian words meaning 'loosely'.

This is fine for the sniffy judging panel, as it allows them to patronise and insult these out-0f-their-depth good sports, and thus tell the audience at home precisely what they should think.

Sadly for them, John Sergeant has been so obviously taking the mickey out of the format's pretensions for the last few weeks, he has become the Nation's favourite. As of last weekend, the former TV journalist could've trodden on his partner's head at every turn and still come top of the poll.

"Look" whinged the show's Arlene Phillips, "This show is supposed to be about dancing skills". What complete rubbish: it's just another game show. Without the incompetent celebs, the show would be going out at 1.35 am on Ruritanian TV Gold. Ms Phillips was no better than an unlikely Mugabe trying to reinterpret the nature of her office. Eventually, this hypocritical woman took to insulting Sergeant in the tabloids, as a result of which John rapidly concluded he could do without the grief.

But in the media age, this is a frequent dilemma: not only do those in charge not know what they're at, the audience don't appreciate how to make a proper judgement. Plato said that without an informed electorate, democracy must inevitably degrade into the rule of the rabble. While in one way, the audience sticking two fingers up to the show's experts is to be admired, the accusation that they chose on the 'wrong' basis would be justified - were it not for the double standards of the experts.

If ever one wanted a metaphor for democracy in Cool Britannia, then this is it.

 

 


 

George Osborne may be a twit, but that doesn't mean he's wrong about Brown's borrowing

Hypocrisy in public life may be almost universal these days, but some things never change. Perhaps out of national loyalty, perhaps because they're dim - or a bit of both - Osborne and Cameron have been woefully slow to put the Brown & Darling Moneyborrowing Emporium in the dock. But now that the Shadow Chancellor has finally said what so many commentators are thinking, oh just listen to the howls of crypto-patriotic rage from those who have landed us in this mess.

As the BBC finally got round to mentioning this morning, Osborne is simply doing his job - and better late than never is probably the grown-up response. 'Don't mention the War' isn't going to get us anywhere.

Two huge fictions have been put about by New Labour since the return of Campbell and Mandelson to the fold. First, that we are in a good position to borrow because the Government has prudently paid back our Foreign Debt over the years. This is a lie, plain and simple: the Debt has been getting bigger since 2002. (See Nailing the Lies)

Second, that it's OK to smash through our debt/GDP ratio, because at 45% it's one of the lowest in the G20. To which the answer is 'no it isn't even though yes it is'.

The impression is often given with debt/liquidity announcements that this is merely the Government's deficit. But of course it is the Nation's deficit. The Government owes 45% of what we've all made in terms of output over the years. Because it's one of the lowest doesn't make it alright - it means the Western world is broke to a greater or lesser extent. If the last year hasn't demonstrated that, then nothing ever will.

More to the point, credit risk is (especially now) not assessed on the basis of one's debt compared to others - but rather, on one's ability to repay. And on that basis, no leading nation is in a bigger hole than we are.

Consider: the UK has $52billion in reserves - a mere $8 billion of which is in gold. When the world is going belly up, gold is ultimately the only thing people will accept as payment. (See gold manipulation)

Italy has twice the reserves and 8.5 times the gold. France is in almost exacly the same position. Germany has three times the reserves and eleven times as much gold.

Britain's debt collatoral is the worst of any developed European nation - without exception. Who cares if the US debt ration is higher at 65%? They have enough deep storage gold in Fort Knox to pay everyone off tomorrow....allegedly. They also have vast natural resources and - so far - a strengthening currency.

If you want a barometer of confidence in the UK - which, if you recall, was going to get through this Depression far more easily than any other G8 nation - look at the Pound's performance recently: as predicted here (Lookout) in a fortnight it has gone from 1.26 Euros down to 1.16, and from 1.74 to the dollar to 1.49.

There are cynics who suggest Brown's pressure on the other G20 states to spend in the same reckless manner is merely him wanting everyone to come on board his Titanic. I don't think the bloke is that street-wise: I think the Brown/Darling problem is a belief that any action will do - just so long as it's seen to be action.

My own view of Osborne remains the same: he is a lightweight with no more idea what to do than anyone else. But sometimes the chimps are right about the cage temperature. A run on the Pound is exceedingly likely, and nby continues to advise all its readers to get out as quickly as possible.

We should forget right now any thought of 'Iceland couldn't happen here'. Of course it could: there are a number of nations who would be delighted to see the UK bankrupt at the moment - EU goblins who want us in the Euro and under their thumb, Russians keen to push out their frontiers, and Chinese who want their annexation of Africa to go ahead unremarked and unhindered.

Lest we forget, Iceland has been largely baled out by Moscow, South Africa's bank by Beijing, and many multinational banks by Arabs. This is geopolitics we're dealing with here: we need to get real and understand that by spending in this manner, the UK is dooming itself to satellite nation status for the next two generations.

 

 


Blame who you like, but voters increasingly know where the responsibility lies

As our surreal culture plunges deeper into a morass of avoided responsibility and the pursuit of blame, most people one meets ask "Where is it going to end?"

In Haringey, a child is brutalised and sixty social and medical professionals fail to notice. A senior psychiatric guru 'explains' this by saying on Radio Four "there is a monitoring disorientation syndrome in such cases".

In Jersey, a children's home made infamous by apparently grisly excavations is downgraded to 'mere investigation' status by a police chief who describes the bizarre catalogue of evidential errors as 'slight inaccuracies'.

Gordon Brown's explanation for selling gold at $237 an oz in 1999 is 'broadening the investment portfolio'. His Chancellor's interpretation of the credit crunch is that it was 'unforeseeable'.

Hank Paulson persuades Congress to spend seven hundred million bucks to bail out his mates, and then (following one dead-cat bounce lasting a week) proclaims the operation a major success. Meanwhile, all major world markets head south again - and only billions of dollars in quietly sold gold reserves can keep the dollar in the running as a global currency.

Adam Applegarth tells a Parliamentary committee following the £80 billion demise of Northern Rock that it was not his fault because 'the business model was completely robust'.

Opposition Leader David Cameron foolishly attempts to lay the blame for Haringey on the Prime Minister.

Eric Daniels of LloydsTSB insanely tries to pin the credit crisis on central banks printing too much money.

Alex Salmond accuses of England of stealing Scottish oil when every piece of data shows English money gushes northwards at a far greater rate, the SNP sits in both Parliaments, and half the London Cabinet is Scottish.

Lord Mandelson alleges that Tory overspending in the 1990s made it very difficult for New Labour 'to pay it back in the decade after 1997'. Every Government website shows the debt increasing from 2002 onwards.

It's 8.30 pm now, and I could carry on building this list until exhaustion took over. Those perpetrating these assorted fantasies and denials would in turn carry on doing this forever were it not for the inevitability of them, ultimately, falling flat on their faces.

For while New Labour congratulates itself on having the Campbell-Mandelson cynicism back in charge (and the Conservatives smile about their continuing lead in the polls) the word coming back from the street is that - at long last - real people want more than just to change tweedle-dum for tweedle-even-dumber. They are sick of the gloss, tired of the excuses, and bored with puerile smears about who was on what yacht, who said black and who white, or how deep or shallow the recession is really likely to be. And to date, they don't think Clegg is likely to be any different either.

There will be no storming of the banks, no riots to establish better representation, no mobs demanding 'Reform or Revolution'. Indeed - for a year at least - the tiggy-blame catch game will continue.

And then, when the full enormity of the mess is exposed, ordinary people will start to change their behaviour. At present, I don't believe anyone knows either what forms that will take, or what the outcome might be. All I can tell you is that a careful reading of all the latest polls suggests one overwhelming thing: the majority of voters do not believe in any Party's ability to solve the UK's rock of huge debt and hard place of falling income.

Yesterday a reliable source told me that Conservative market research suggests the current tripartite dash to have the biggest tax cuts possible is seen as incomprehensible to younger voters and almost criminally mad among the older age groups. While I am not surprised, I am greatly reassured: the British have finally realised that what it says each week at the bottom of this column is, unfortunately, true.

 


 

IF IT AIN'T BROKE, DON'T FIX IT. IF IT IS, ER, UM....

'We are ruled by clocks, fools and liars'

G K Chesterton, 1912

The vast majority of economic commentators, observers and analysts still start from the assumption that the global finance system in general - and Bourse-financed economic growth using remote shareholders - is the only clock in town.

The problem seems to me (a mere layman) that this conviction doesn't so much fly in the face of the facts as crash into a snow-capped mountain of contrary evidence.

At the moment - despite some $3.8 trillion dollars worldwide thrown at the mechanism - the clock is running backwards and sounding the hour in a casually informal manner, up to and including the number thirteen. What's more, having at last taken the back off this fine example of 15th Century Italian workmanship, there seems not to be any original mechanism as such - just a complex Intel Inside chip board, plus a note from the infamous Preppy Donald Hedge saying 'Urgently called away to Bolivia - good luck'.

Like so many aphorisms in our language, 'If the clock ain't broke, don't fix it' is a piece of fortune-cookie sagesse which doesn't actually say what to do if the clock is not only broken, but completely knackered. The quick answer of course is to buy a new one (preferably before shelling out trillions of dollar bills on the fixing project) but to date this is only on the radar of folks generally dismissed as dangerously naive anarchists with an airport runway hole-digging habit.

So if I may, I'd like to suggest a midway point between the most right wing GOP devotee and the last surviving Stalinist Rainbow Warrior. Let's keep the beautifully elegant fifteenth century Italian shell, and put a regulator inside to save the simpler new mechanism from its proven ability to go dangerously mad at frequent intervals.

There, I've done it - I've said the R word: naughty me.

The financial community has framed the concept of regulation (and rendered it a despicable boo-term) with consummate skill. The term has come to conjure up images of ten thousand bureaucratic goblins sabotaging the vital process of entrepreneurial wealth creation. However, there are two gaping holes in this presentation of the arguments in favour of promoting basic honesty and social decency.

The first is that nobody has ever in history lost the plot of entrepreneurial wealth creation with quite the spectacular success of ten thousand banking goblins in recent years. And the second is those who wish only to speculate on entrepreneurial success without breaking the law or harming the community will have nothing whatever to fear from regulation.

Naturally, the Financial Services Authority itself needs to be remodelled. There needs to be a much closer relationship with commercial reality - and the Serious Fraud Office. But as a former advertising man, I can tell you that thirty-five years of the Advertising Standards Authority (quite one of the most pedantically anal watchdogs one could imagine) have produced not only more honest communications campaigns, but also more creativity and entertainment than you can find in any country without one.

The simple reality remains that the mechanism for financing business is terminally dead. We may have nailed its feet to the clock casing with unwilling taxpayers, but it is a former, non-functioning and stone cold mechanism. It has been killed by interfering and greedy remote shareholders, screaming children on trading floors, insane Russian doll debt-structured products, carpetbagging Hedge Funds, and the inevitable hubris that accompanies human folly.

We need a new commercial culture which frowns on malpractice. But while we're waiting, let's keep the original fifteenth century borsa idea of speculating on great new ideas, and use a simple, twenty-first century pendulum (automatically regulated by an onboard computer) to keep tulip obsession under control.

Is that really beyond us?

 


 

The Play’s the Thing

Watching Barack Obama’s victory speech earlier today, I was struck by its resemblance not so much to a coronation as the last monologue in a somewhat overlong play. The feeling intensified as second lead Joe Biden came out to accept the applause (perhaps for his role as Banquo) following which the troupe as a whole took a bow. The only element missing from the performance was a shout of ‘Author! Author!’ – but the worrying thing is that this play has no author. In fact, it has no plot either.

America will wake up later and justly congratulate itself on what this election has shown: that people who say they’re going to vote for a black man will do so, that an inspirational and charismatic person who asks for sacrifice as well as support is back in the White House, and that the optimistic belief is still there at the heart of American culture. But the very banality of the slogan Obama employed to sum up that hope – ‘Yes we can’ – only feeds my continuing worry about this man: where’s the beef? What is his strategy? Does he have one? Yes we can do what exactly – join the unemployment lines?

Political ‘operators’ of my acquaintance smile patiently, and then explain why – given the current global mess – Barack’s very vagueness was his strength. He’s not committed himself to anything, see? That is like so neat. He simply said ‘McCain is just more Bush. I’m not Bush. I don’t sound anything like Bush. I’m not even the same colour as Bush – so vote for me’. But actually, Obama hasn’t done that at all in my view; rather, he has committed the worst of all crimes in politics – to promise big and general (and thus set up expectations) without the experience or money necessarily to satisfy those raised hopes.

Hillary Clinton found out big-time the level of intransigent resistance in the US medical profession to broader and more just healthcare insurance. Bush discovered very rapidly what American business thinks about any form of nationalisation – even when it’s offering a straw to the folks clinging on by their fingernails. And going back to the last truly charismatic Presidency, the Kennedy brothers learned very early on that racial intolerance, organised crime and the Cuban problem would not bow to rhetoric. Indeed, one or more of these endemic problems may well have killed JFK. As a black man, President Obama will be the most protected leader in American history. Waving placards that shout ‘Change!’ is quite likely to evoke the response ‘No you Can’t’ from those who see their privileges challenged. Lest we forget, 48% of Americans voted yesterday for a bumbling incompetent partnered by an ignorant and corrupt airhead. For many of those people, anything was preferable to change.

My point is simple: what the struggling people in the US don’t need right now is to be let down again. This Presidency needs to present a change from Clintonian politics as much as from Bush politics.

The new President will inherit an America unrecognisable from the one which John Kennedy inspired. While not bankrupt, the country has a serious short-term cash-flow problem. The dollar’s leading role is under threat and being supported by vast amounts of gold-price manipulation. The US car industry is on its backside. America is hated by most Islamics, and threatened by cynical, opportunist and anti-libertarian leaderships in Russia and China. The ecological problem is near to tipping point. The nation is embroiled in an unpopular and expensive war against the wrong people – but a cause that must draw a line somewhere, or see even more Islamist triumphalism. And above all, despite some short-term (and almost certainly short-lived) stock market optimism, America is at the heart of a financial China Syndrome which nobody really knows how to stop.

In my view, what constituents expect a politician to do is every bit as important as what actually gets done in the process of enacting durable change. President-elect Barack Obama should go for some early quick wins: setting the tone for a genuinely new kind of politics, sending a clear message of determination to the Opposition, and disguising the very limited room for manoeuvre he has. It seems to me that he has some kind of mandate to shift the economic emphasis away from fancy-wrapping financial products and back where it belongs – at the entrepreneurial sharp end of providing real services and making stuff. And in foreign policy, he has a golden opportunity to make his ‘funny name’ work hard in the Middle East, Africa and Islam generally. Perhaps this is already the plot: whether it is or not, he certainly needs to get one - and then make sure he doesn’t lose it. 

The world might all be a stage and all of us players upon it, but it isn’t a movie in which the good guys triumph because…well, because they just do. The stage-management of Obama’s White House campaign has been on the one hand technically brilliant, and on the other something of an empty vessel. As You Like it isn’t going to cut the mustard from now on. If he is to avoid Othello’s sticky end, the first Moorish President should heed the soldier’s words:

Now, by heaven,
my blood begins my safer guides to rule;
and passion, having my best judgment collide,
assays to lead the way


 

Some new models we need rolling off the production line as soon as possible

'Business model' has become at one and the same time a cliche, and a tarnished term. Business models previously described as 'robust' have proved anything but.

Although those in charge refuse to accept it, the reality is that business itself needs a new model; and this will be a meaningless change unless modelling is applied to the feet of clay apparent in all areas of our civilisation.

In classic tabloid style then, here are ten interdependent new models that would help UK society towards long-term recovery and rude health:

1. An education system based on self-esteem, taking responsibility, the needs of others, personal development, and good health practices - as much as academic achievement

2. A State/individual relationship based on reduced powers of the former and increased responsibilities for the latter: obligatory community service for all from ages thirteen to fifteen, and the reversal of our suicidal drift towards 24/7 surveillance of all movement and communication

3. Radical constitutional reform to make Britain's suffrage and representation models genuinely accurate - and protect citizens against politicians with a short-term 're-elective' focus. The key points would be scrapping constituency-based MPs entirely, a smaller lower-cost Commons legislature, an accountable Executive, and a second Chamber whose membership is beyond Commons control and subject to non-universal suffrage.

4. A One Nation approach rejecting multiculturalism. Genuine religious and cultural tolerance, but one unequivocal citizenship, legal and educational model to which all must conform

5. Genuine and broadscale devolution of administrative and spending power down to district and community levels, alongside a dramatic reduction in central government powers

6. A political model based on contemporary social needs and trends - not controlling, privately-financed Parties. The State to fund all election costs and communications- both to be capped at maximum levels. All other contributions to Parties or 'Movements' to be strictly illegal

7. A State medical model based on patient-facing service, continuity of primary care, preventative advice and professional vocation, rather than crypto market principles and faceless primary practices. A rejection of the current funding model in favour of a scheme 25% funded by commerce, 50% based on means testing and 25% from local taxation

8. The replacement of Bourse-dominated business finance with a mixed system using private wealth initiatives, local government finance schemes, and trading platforms where the dominance of any one purchasing mechanism is subject to the same monopoly rules applying to other areas of commerce.

9. An engineered move away from the 'remote shareholder' model of financing business, and towards on-board shareholders taking the long view on financing entrepreneurialism. In short, a return to the initial historical aims of borsa

10. Taxation based on the encouragement of support for society as a whole, rather than an elite group somewhat speciously termed 'shareholders'. Specifically: tax breaks for guided philanthropy, entrepreneurial risk, ecologically sound and clean manufacture, employee partnerships, private ownership and community contribution; punitive taxes on profit margins above 40%; higher taxes on multinationally owned concerns, pollutant products,unhealthy foods and multiple food retailers; a huge shift away from national to local taxes; zero taxation for two years on new fields used for food production; and graded purchase tax on locally grown versus carbon-footprint foods.

 

Join in with email feedback HERE

 


 

 

Obsessive stock market focus is precisely what we don't need at the moment

While sad folks like me keep an eagle (not to say vulture's) eye on the Bourses, there are professional and psyche-driven reasons for this: I am a journalist with a history of mental illness. But as the FT's Martin Wolf wrote to nby recently 'Second-guessing short-term market movements is a mug's game unless you have insider knowledge - which I don't'.

Mr Wolf is a beacon of sound sense in the current darkness. Perhaps inadvertantly, he has put his finger on what has always been the flaw in a Bourse-capitalised, free-market and shareholder form of capitalism: obsessive, unbalanced and greedy twits looking only at the short-term.

Let us take Thursday (16th October's) trading as an example.

As is now becoming almost normal, dumping of gold prior to the FTSE's opening kicked things off. The metal (the best safe-haven on the planet) fell $19. On 9/11 - following an act of war - it fell (net) just six dollars.

For two hours after opening, stocks continued their daily trek south - the result of $3.2 trilion of your and my savings being sacrificed to their unlikely salvation. At which point the bail-out of UBS whacked the index up 200 points. One bank in one country.

Three hours later, this all-powerful market which does all our deciding for us these days had a rethink and dropped 200 points. Bang on cue, the Dow opened, saw the drop and did the same.

Because somebody with gold reserves didn't like this, more precious metal was dumped to persuade the market that equities were the place to be. This was 100% effective in causing goldprice.org to crash for the rest of the day, and to zap the NYSE up 400 points in an hour.

'Markets surge on UBS bail-out' enthused the BBCNews website.

'Gold crashes on Dow surge' yelled Bullionvault.com, thus demonstrating at a stroke their inability to tell chickens from eggs, or indeed which way the clock goes round.

Overnight in London - in an act of bare-faced cheek notable even by banker standards - Lloyds pitched to make the terms of its taxpayer bail-out less stringent so it could pay the shareholders a dividend. Darling sent a text to Zog along the lines of 'are you serious?' Oh yes, they answered - absolutely.

It can get a little wearing when grinning BCG Mekons on morning telly keep patronising us with their piffle about how this is the only way to run a railroad. Governments bankrupting their citizens to save the hides of Alzheimered traders, while all the while throwing gold bars at mad speculators betting on whether bankers want to pay a dividend to the impatient dummies whose sawdust-filled heads nodded in agreement to the payment of $200 billion in bonuses this year.

Surely nobody has a better idea than that?

Hence the point of nby's Opinon column today: ignore this shower, because right now their posturing, directionless, insane refusal to accept that Hal is in the machine will - if you watch it too closely - only drive you potty as well.

Go to work. Find a new customer. Make a fair profit. Improve the product. Make it in as Green a way aspossible. Go home, help cook dinner and kiss the kids goodnight. That's far more important - both for you and the world - than the antics of autistic onanists.


 

16th October 2008

'Lloyds TSB lobbied the government to ease the repayment conditions attached to an emergency injection of taxpayers' money.

The urgent attempt to renegotiate parts of the bail-out terms - and allow rescued banks to pay a dividend to their shareholders - came as the stock market wiped out all of the gains made in the euphoria following the bank rescue package, amid anxiety that the global economy was plunging into recession.'

We wrote the Op below a week ago. As the above shows, there's no reason to change it as long as the nonsense from this shower continues.....

Appeasement is getting us nowhere - time to get tough with the bankers

Although a clear majority of people in Britain and the US feel strongly that there is a moral case for asking the banking community to sort itself out, the argument being used 'on the other side' (and this is increasingly turning into two opposing sides) still holds sway: 'now is not the time for moralising and blamestorming: now is the time for emergency action'.

There is huge power in this argument - and, on the surface, obvious practicality. But welfare dependency rules apply no matter which end of the social and commercial spectrum is involved.

Until today, nby remained a grudging supporter of this 'necessity'. But now there are other considerations and actions which must be taken into account. These do not involve vengeance: rather, they concern the need to establish some rules and responsibilities in all this mayhem.

First and foremost, will it work? An increasing number of banking commentators believe no government is any longer big enough to bankroll the banks. Just a 5% recapitalisation of major retail banks in the UK would gobble up half the total tax budget: the way this Government spends money, we can ill afford to give anyone anything, let alone half of everything to a tiny minority.

This can only end in printing money, followed by ruinous inflation.

Despite all the recent actions, the markets remain nervous; they keep on demanding faster action and more money with fewer strings attached. It is becoming obvious to thinking observers that, for the bankers, nothing short of a blank cheque will do. In classic spineless fashion, New Labour this morning effectively offered them that in terms of working cash.

As the rich are fond of saying about the NHS 'this is a bottomless pit'.

But while nothing will ever be enough for the banker mentality, nothing any government might do in 2008 will ever be enough to change the commercial market reality.

And that reality is, the banks have lost all confidence in each other. (Haven't we all?)

With a phobic patient's fear of the improbable, the last thing one should do is indulge it by facilitating avoidance behaviour. What we are effectively doing at the moment is indulging banker phobias with taxpayer's money. As there is no end to this process, it would be as well not to start.

The correct strategy for the restoration of sanity is to force the patient to do what he or she doesn't want to do. And, in the specific case of the banking fraternity, to remind them of why they exist.

Financial service institutions exist to profitably help decent people invest in the community, save for retirement, and insure against loss; and to back business creativity where it seems to be based on sound plans.

The rediscovery of this mission is crucially important for recovery. As well as accepting responsibility (rather than running a fantasy blame league) the banks must now take responsibility for their fate. It lies in their hands, not in our pockets.


The triumph of desperation over experience

'Whatever it takes' is the new Government mantra we hear roughly two hundred times a day now. Absolutely vital, pull together, no time for novices and so on. Only in such a context of dire panic disguised as Dunkirk reassurance could Peter Mandelson have returned to government.

It is a sign of the long-overdue backlash against pc that a number of the cartoonists and commentators over the weekend chose to focus on Mandy's sexuality. Not wishing in any way to be left out (while recognising his elevated status) nby was quick to recognise his new identity as Little Lord Fondlebum. But the truth about Mr Mandelson goes well beyond his predeliction for The Other Side.

'Come back Peter, all is forgiven' may well give the Zanu-Labour faithful another straw onto which they can scramble, but one must also cling to the wise adage 'let us forgive, but not forget'. Twice in Britain and once in Europe, Mr Mandelson has been caught - if not conclusively with his hand in the till - then certainly with his delicate nose in the trough. He is an abuser of privilege.

He is also promiscuous, in every sense of the word. He lacks loyalty, loves intrigue, and is an even more deadly silent briefer than Gordon. The Devil will indeed find things for idle hands to do, but the She-devil with a roaming portfolio will quickly find people to do over.

One only had to see Alistair Dali's wretched performance on Marr's Sunday breakfast-meeting to realise how easy he will be to destabilise, how completely he has lost the plot, and how cleansed of ideas he is. Having denied the very existence of a crisis for nine months, Salvador is today keen to tell us he warned of its arrival all along.

When asked if he would put up taxes, he piffled and stumbled into a cringe-making stream of woffle about the Tory legacy and how we are "in a much stronger position to borrow now than we were then". Given that we owe £200 billion more than we did in 1997, this is the best example of rubbish one could wish to hear on air from a politician. What puzzled the viewer even more was the concept of feeling strong enough to borrow. Is this, then, what the rich and solvent do - borrow? The thought of the globe suffering an uber-prime credit problem is indeed surreal.

Mandelson will enter this government of weak, muddled and frightened folk with all the arrogant hubris we have come to expect whenever he minces purposefully into the ring. He will put backs up, twist noses out of joint, and bend opponents out of shape. He will look energetic, and energise the media around his hyper-active presence. He will work hand-in-glove with the disgusting Campbell to conjure yet more mirages acting as solutions. In short, he will reinvent Blairism.

Because the Cameroons are on the whole not that bright, I would imagine they will be on the back foot for a day or two. On the same Marr programme, George Osborne once again failed to impress. My take on the Shadow Chancellor is that he's smug, and still largely ignorant about why and how this crisis can only get much, much worse before it gets better.

What the smart Cameroons like Hague need to remember is that Blairism only ever succeeded when economic times were good, easy and lax. People will believe anything when they're in the money and on the piss. But Mandelson or no Mandelson, the bad news will simply keep on pouring in: the borrowing requirement, the unemployment rate, EU disunity, the retail and commercial failures and a continuing crisis in global banking: all the Paulson plans in the world are as nothing now the ripple effect has begun. In this environment, lobbing Mandy the Tactful Flying Brick into the pond can only make matters worse.

The Blairite Borrowers are a busted flush. Two queens united in mutual hatred are not going to trump anyone - even if the new queen is also a knave.

 


 

Tomorrow belongs to Me *

The extraordinary performance by Sarah, Gordon and audience inside the GMAC arena last Wednesday was one of those flesh-creepy events we will all relate to our grandchildren some day.

I remember forty odd years ago seeing Tory politician Selwyn-Lloyd interviewed about his arrival back at Croydon Airport with Chamberlain in 1938, after the signing of the Munich agreement effectively gave Czechoslovakia to the Nazis. "I was embarrassed by the crowd's wild cheers" he said "And horrified when, later from the upper window of Number Ten, Neville said 'I have brought you peace in our time'".

Anyone featured on the ever-vigilant and invasive BBC audience cameras during Brown's 'come-back' speech will cringe in future years as they are shown shouting, clapping, cheering and weeping through the emptiest, most lachrymose and dishonest speech ever made by a politician in my lifetime.

My faith in the British electorate was salvaged the following day when, after scanning the online press forums in detail, I was able to calculate that anti-Brown opinion was running steadily at 25-1. But the shocking sight of a Party for whom I occasionally voted in my youth soaking up this tasteless melange of ham acting and Campbell's soup was genuinely painful.

It is a long time since I was on anything resembling 'the Left'. Moving over to the Liberals around 1970 - thence to the SDP and back again - I now find myself (like so many Englishmen) desperate for nothing more than reality. At present this probably means, for me at least, a more regulated financial economy and a better targeted, more censorious approach to social welfare. But reality in any shape or form would be good.

What we saw earlier this week was an audience gorging themselves on delusional promises for the future, and the alleged 'success' of stupid economic hardness mixed with spendthrift spending for the past decade or more.

This is the Labour Party which gave us giant wheels, Domed elephants and firework displays, the great gold giveaway, increasing disparities of wealth, mad foreign adventurism, celeb mania, sucking up to plutocrats, NHS ward closures, drug rationing, institutional weapons corruption on a grand scale, and the inexcusable waste of vital medical funds on the sort of IT hype from which real people shied away years ago.

And now, with the Exchequer empty, all borrowing limits smashed, no money for either armed forces or prisons, huge liabilities taken on needlessly, growing unemployment, a global credit crisis and a plummeting currency, this is the same New Labour Party prepared to fill its Kleenex with incontinent eyewash.

Eyewash about Co2 emission cuts of 80%, three million lives being changed, free cancer drugs, free nursery education, eliminating child poverty by 2020, £15 billion more to be spent on new NHS treatments, universal health checks for everyone over forty, more neighbourhood police, and higher conviction rates than ever.

This was indeed Gordon's Indian summer - for aferwards, all the indians must have come out of the hall and wondered 'how?'

There are no metaphors any more for the British political Establishment - head in the sand, fiddling while Rome burns, whistling Dixie: they're all utterly inadequate....as indeed are those at whom they might be aimed.

In 1979 - for all her ghastliness and bigoted blinkers - we had the Mad Handbag waiting in the wings to rid us of a very real cancer: a Trade Union movement quite prepared to challenge the sovereignty of the Mother of Parliaments.

Who is there now to challenge the Hedge Fund Sherman McCoys, the disgustingly crooked and incompetent banking fraternity, and Mother Russia?

Cameron's crew are (with the notable exceptions of Hague and Davis) hopelessly confused about what they have to offer, what is going on in the world, and what might happen next. Hague is (if my sources are correct) hacked off with the whole merry-go-round, while after his commendable one finger up to the elite running conservatism these days, Davis too continues to feel that he has nothing in common with the wah-wahs.

As for Clegg...he too has proved a bitter disappointment, little more than Blair III -This Time it's Boring. The one single MP who has had this whole crise de coeur taped since Day One - Vince Cable - now also finds himself sidelined, and not a little tired.

Somewhere at the outer reaches of this mess there sits the man (or woman) who sees The Main Chance coming. He may be in Parliament, he may be a prospective candidate. He may be in a PR agency - or perhaps a Hedge Fund manager. She may even still be at University. She might be running some shadowy organisation called things like Forward or Gender in Europe - believe me, there are lots of them about.

As for the existing shower, they are nothing but a bunch of smug Von Papens convinced they have everything under control.

And if you don't know who Von Papen was, then look it up: this is, after all, the Age of Google. When everyone can know everything, and go to University, and be freed from poverty, and live on thin air....and who knows - if we all applaud hard enough without thinking hard enough....anything is possible

 

 

 

 

 


 

It's just you and me folks

I can't change society from the top down, and neither can you.

The problem with the one we've got is that other people are trying to do just that.

Government, quangos, Ofs, Health & Safety, the politically correct, race relations boards, global business, banks, the taxman....the whole superstructure which has turned out of late to be something short of super.

A better society starts with you. What you want to be and why. Looking at whether what you want to be and whether that's going to tread on someone else's face. (And whether that someone else really deserves it.)

Maybe this website can help you with that, but that's not its job. I'm not a counsellor and I don't have The Answer. There is no such thing as The Answer. Only a lot of questions for which we need better answers.

Not Born Yesterday is about the learning, thoughts, ideas, experiences, fun and life being enjoyed by one bloke.

Along the way, it expresses a lot of views about what's wrong with our culture now, and how - at least here in the UK - it could so easily be so much better if people with warm hearts and cool brains were in charge.

Whichever Party may be in power, they won't be 'empowered' - to use the contemporary, ghastly word - because the Westminster set consists almost entirely of cold hearts and silly ideas.

We need a revolution, but not one with barricades, mobs, crises and then the army. The only lasting revolutions are those which start on the ground with individuals. Specifically, with individuals who know that other people are just as important as them.

Don't expect to storm the House of Commons with me. I'm too old, knackered and wise for that.

Just expect to be challenged, engaged and amused.

Until Homo nobilis emerges, we can't change human nature. We can only change how individual humans respond to evidence of it in others.

The culture of a civilisation is everything, and culture starts with me and you. Not just you or just me, but both of us.

We live in a society where somebody must be to blame and nobody is responsible.

That's what we need to change: the cultural obsession with improving other people.

I start with me, and you start with you. That way, we get mutual respect. And so it goes, onwards and upwards, until even the people at the very top think like that.

While we're waiting, much of the stuff on this site points out the malfeasance, incompetence, hubris and delusion of those currently at the pinnacle of the muck heap. I hope you find this as funny as I do.

But even if you do, keep going back to yourself. The others may all be blackguards and potty, but we too are kettles.

If we start with ourselves, then the possibilities for the endgame are infinite.

Welcome aboard.

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

The Correct procedure

 

Last weekend, we may have seen the clearest example yet of how misguided our culture is. Hopefully, it might act as some kind of turning point in the gradual shift from The Lost Plot to a society able at last to find itself.

I refer to the case of Jordon Lyon, a ten year-old boy who drowned in a local lake. He was, at the time, helping his stepsister who had got into difficulties. Why am I telling any of you this - you know the grisly details as well as I do. However - as befits the title and traditions of this column - I want to take a rather different perspective from that of most of the weekend media.

I will start with Kay Burley. Ms Burley anchors the Sky 12-2.oo pm daily slot, called Lunchtime News with Kay Burley. This woman brings nothing to the programme in the way of opinion, journalistic analysis, or indeed anything that adds value beyond expensive hairdressing. The names Walter Cronkite, Ed Murrow and Richard Dimbleby would (I must assume) be unknown to her.

Kay Burley gained an 'exclusive' interview with Jordon's parents, Anthony (stepdad) and Tracy. (I say she did, but in all probability some other drone did the groundwork.) During this major event, she put enquiries of quite stunning insensitivity - not, I hasten to add, by travelling North, but from her podium of power in the Sky studio. This included asking Mrs Ganderton why - with suspicious undertone - she hadn't been with her son at the time, a groundless accusation that reduced the mourning mother to tears. (She had been looking after a neighbour's child). After Mrs Ganderton's collapse had been unsuitably observed in extreme close-up, the haughty Burley said she would "turn to Mr Ganderton while your wife composes herself".

The marvellous 1980s film Network remains the best and most wickedly funny destruction of modern television news coverage. Ms Burley is - down to the last pin-stripe in her chastity-suit - a Scarfe cartoon of the caricature created by Faye Dunaway in that film. Again, I feel sure she has not the slightest awareness of this.

Next, the parents themselves. Near catatonic with shock after attending a traumatic hearing, it was clear that at the best of times these two folks are not the sharpest cards in the pack. Very clear, however, was how an appalling personal disaster had made them painfully aware of exactly how badly our police forces - and their 'ancillary' units - have lost the plot. "S'just not right is it?" the husband kept asking.

But what, exactly, is Just Not Right?

In beginning to answer this desolate question from a man who isn't even the boy's natural father, let's move on to the following day, when an interesting, intelligent report about the tragedy's hearing was rudely interrupted as BBC24's duty anchorman said "I have to stop you there Aswan (or whoever) because we're going over live right now to the Labour conference".

At the Labour conference, the Big News was that Gordon Brown's limo had arrived at the venue. "Yes" began the anchorman, "there's the Prime Minister getting out of the car, followed closely by his wife who is wearing...yes, it's a red dress".

So perhaps the first thing Just Not Right is that a right now live gawp at Mrs Brown's red dress is deemed more important and interesting than a good journalist analysing the sad death of a boy with but a decade of life behind him.

The torrent of Just Not Right that flows from here onwards is busy drowning our civilisation.

Odd as it may seem to some, by far the worst part of this episode is the decision of the Auxiliary Officers involved not to turn up to the inquest. I find it hard to call this anything other than a disgraceful act of unthinking cowardice.

Close behind is DCI Philip Owen's statement to the press. The man who heads up Wigan police's detection division told us that "these officers are not trained to the same extent as police officers.....they wouldn't know how to deal with a situation like this".

How many ways can one interrogate this silly observation? What exactly are these officers trained to do? Are they trained as human beings who witness mortal danger and thus decide to pitch in? Are they required to be able to swim? (Astonishingly, the answer is 'no'). Are DCIs required to have an iota of common sense?

Next up for judgement must be Legacy Man and his chump Charles Clarke, who tried to stem a high tide of crime by quickly hiring lots of people with no calling beyond their desire to be in a uniform.

Finally, we are surely entitled to ask how it is that a ten year-old boy who sees his step-sister in danger knows exactly what do do, but two adults with the word 'police' in their job titles don't.

Patronising as it may seem, I am enormously encouraged by this boy who, in a world full of step this and extended that, knew enough from his various parents to risk his life for another. Also I am warmed by the degree to which those with whom I've discussed this case feel (as I do) that while Jordon's death was tragic, it has not been in vain: one day soon perhaps - in the future world of computelly interaction - police officers will not be able to spout party-line crap without sixty million citizens shouting 'bollocks' in unison. While to some the internet offers the potential for tyranny, I prefer to hope that it will force humbug back down the throats of those who utter it.

To those who ask with boring frequency why my bombardment upon the antipodean gangster Murdoch knows no end, I can only respond by saying that Murdochs produce Burleys. To those who see celebrity obsession as harmless, I ask if they can read this piece and still say that.

As to the officers concerned, I may seem to judge them, but we mustn't. In 2007, it has become a crime to tell the truth: "I was scared. I funked it". Courage to me is doing something of which one is deeply afraid. For all I know, the two auxiliary community officers were ordered by their superiors not to turn up at the inquest. Perhaps one day they will have the courage to fess up to their cowardice. Perhaps even their senior officers might do the same. (23.9.07)

 

THE ONLY THING BROWN HAS TO FEAR IS HIMSELF

 

Most of us call things wrongly with disturbing frequency, and I'm no different. Having said consistently that the Prime Minister lacks the self-belief to call a snap election (he has, after all, seen four opinion polls - all assuring him of an easy win - and still not decided) I'm beginning to wonder if even he can genuinely brood and agonise over what looks increasingly like a walkover.

The fact is, I rather fancy Gordon Brown is now being predictably ruthless about the issue. With the Conservatives all over the place - and Cameron facing a conference distracted by his falling popularity and the likelihood of a November election - the PM is very likely to make the announcement straight after what will be aTory bunfight. (But - Brown being Brown - another poll study next week showing a resurgent Boy David would send the New Labour leader back up to his office for more nailbiting inaction).

Having thought Brown would never get the job (and probably mess it up if he did) you may wonder why my overall judgement of him hasn't changed - given that he is now Prime Minister, and has made what most observers see as an excellent start. So perhaps I should explain why, if anything, his actions since coming to power have only firmed up my judgement of the man. As always, the approach remains ' ignore what he says, observe what he does'.

First up, it's important to note that the PM hasn't actually made a very good start at all - it's just that people are gullible and his spinners (whatever he says) are still hard at it. His approach to the flooding was to say nothing until the waters had receded, and then make a fleeting visit to Sheffield. The money he set aside to help the disaster was both hopelessly inadequate and (as usual) not all new money at all. His next gambit was to get up to his old 'run up flagpole and leak' nonsense on the subject of Iraq, as a result of which the US administration got completely confused - and fairly aggressive. Thus speeches had to be hastily withdrawn, and Gordon was forced to give grovelling reassurances. Having done that (natch) he started pulling troops out of Iraq like the place had cholera or something - as well as insisting that it wasn't happening.

The foot and mouth and blue tongue outbreaks were serendipitous- there's not much anyone can do about that stuff, apart from ignore jittery scientists and maintain a cool head. Brown has distanced himself from these affairs - rather like he did over Iraq. As for the attempted bombings - well, he made lots of sympathetic noises (what else was he going to do?) and then - having talked prior to his Coronation about increasing personal liberties - offered the police and security services a further raft of new powers. He followed this by cuddling up to Fraulein Merkel, and agreeing to help her force through the most undemocratic, controlling and utterly unnecessary constitution in European history. (See Life in the Wrong Lane)

Equally, the Northern Rock fiasco can't really be put down to him. As Chancellor, Gordon Brown was gung-ho about sub-prime lending and Bank of England deregulation, but it's not his fault that most bankers are, by and large, myopic crooks. His 'handling' of the crisis was nevertheless classic Gordy: he panicked. The allegedly independent BoE was suddenly told to toe the line (and then blamed for the disaster) and the ineptly grey Alistair Darling abruptly ordered to guarantee every last penny of savers' cash - while releasing more cheap liquidity. (Which, as it wasn't necessary, went almost entirely unused). Thus, with one mighty bound, the PM has made his Government a hostage to the next misfortune that befalls a bank with greedy lending policies and zero foresight. He has also, in my view, once again put off the inevitable day when world stock markets have to face up to the fact that their Jumbo has run out of engines - and sent entirely the wrong message to go-for-it bourse traders.

Along the way there's been a miscellany of stupidity and skullduggery: the silencing of all debate at the Party Conference, appointing the Mortgage Signer to run the Olympic budget (or 'the Titanic budget' as backbench wags have taken to calling it) and predictable drivel from the robotic Health minister (at Brown's insistence) that the 'people's juries' mean there will be no more 'top down' enforcement of NHS policies....and, er, um, maybe we will have an EU constitutional referendum after all. Hmm.

If this is a good start, then I'm a wheelbarrow. It is, however, an entirely predictable melange of opportunism, flim-flam, dithering, control-freakery and spin. But nor should all of it be seen as pure incompetence: a great deal of this contradictory, directionless hotch-potch is designed to ensure the Scotsman gets some kind of mandate. Keeping Northern Rock customers sweet, propping up a Bearish stock market, 'populist' health policy promises, obfuscation of policy on Iraq - these genuinely crucial issues must all be fudged until such time as our Greatest Ever Chancellor's ample bottom is sitting safely on a Parliamentary majority of at least 100+.

Once that's in the bag, we can kiss any idea of an EU referendum goodbye. And the arrogant and rather odd man we had come to know and distrust will re-emerge from the cloud-cuckoo cover he's been gliding above in recent months. Over time - perhaps quite quickly - it will become clear that the Prime Minister doesn't know how to land.

A growing number of my friends disapprove of this column's 'vendetta' against Gordon Brown. Time will tell, but I offer this in my defence: it's not as if the stuff I write lacks observation or research. The damning piece nby wrote in late 2006 was, for example, the first one to circulate his one-eyed status broadly. (When it suited his Humanity Drive, of course, GB used this disability to the full). But many other commentators (notably James Naughtie) have used information in the public domain - and reliable sources - to demonstrate that when it comes to The One-Eyed Trouser Snake, what you see is precisely what you don't get. He is not a nice man, nor is he honourable, firm in his resolve, or naturally democratic. The folks taken in by a few months of soft soap are the same naive space cadets shocked by the revelation that almost everything on television is faked.

Is it fair play to call him The One-Eyed Trouser Snake? Of course it is: the man has a history of underhand briefing, destroying rivals, unwillingness to listen, cuttting people as bright as him out of the loop - and, yes, a brooding, depressive personality that renders him likely to lurch between frozen inactivity and panic.

Will he go for a November poll? On balance, I'd say the opinion polls, the parlous state of Conservative strategy (and the superficial nature of its leadership, excepting William Hague) now make it a near-certainty. But as ever, those who are calculating can also become victims of analysis paralysis. With Gordon Brown running things, anything - or nothing - might well happen. (1.10.07)

 

we are all too clever by half

 

It is very easy - too easy - to aim a barrage of derisive criticism at Gordon Brown, following the public demonstration of what has been a lifelong problem for this arrogant, anal man. Fair enough, the Prime Minister showed yet again that he overestimates the complexity of every problem, and underestimates the cunning of those who oppose him. He suffers (to borrow a phrase of which one of my more astute friends is fond) from the bane of the bright.

He is - as aides, observers and those who set up Anyone but Gordon have known for many years - too clever by half.

I carry no torch at all for Brown. I have always said that, like most flawed men with inner fears, he is so used to the devious approach, he uses it when being straight would be better for all concerned. But it is hypocritical in the extreme for soi-disant political commentators to lambast this insecure Scot for doing no more than playing a game, the rules of which he did not invent. There would be no need for spin doctors were it not for a pack of hyperactive lobby correspondents and power-drunk editors gagging to interpret every last inflection, twitch and jowel-wobble of senior politicians. There would be no need for 'calculations' were it not for pollsters earning money and fame from interrogating each tiny issue, debate and speech - after which, quite often, their own incompetence is revealed in hopelessly misread election forecasts.

This obsession of media and market research anoraks with things of little or no interest to voters is in stark contrast to what most electors cared about last Saturday: the astonishing victory of England's rugby team over Australia, and the even more amazing French ejection of New Zealand. The observation reflects my view that political commentary has once again been reduced to the sort of rough-and-tumble that plays well in large stadia, but very badly when applied to people who purport to lead the country, spend our money and desire respect.

Equally, it really is time that politicians began to come through the ranks armed with a healthy disrespect for the sounde-bite fishermen - as opposed to an unhealthy disrespect for the voter. This assertion should not be misinterpreted as a cry for political arrogance: we have more than enough of that as it is. It's simply that our leaders should be prepared genuinely to ignore blip by blip speculation, and insist that their real policies be analysed in depth, and after due consideration - not have their daily motives endlessly speculated upon.

Underlying this blow-by-blow approach to politics is the assumption these days (since the introduction of 'focus' groups into the mix) that the electorate's opinions on each and every decision and action are both valuable and relevant. After thirty years as a specialist communications researcher and market planner, I can tell you unequivocally that (usually) they aren't. In fact, I would go further and say that listening to the views of often mediocre minds has been a major factor in producing the slapstick politics we see day in day out. Cameron vowed to stop all this: now he is its most irritating exponent. He too is obsessed with undiscerning inclusivity.

Yet at the same time, all this 'listening' and 'bottom up' stuff is a crude sham: one only has to look at the policies brought in and suggested by Conservative and New Labour governments over the last twenty years to see how little notice they took of (or knew about) the genuine needs of real people. From silly Charters onwards, we have been subjected to deckchair rearrangement on a grand scale in the NHS, HIPs that get nowhere near the concerns of people buying and selling houses and (right now) an EU Constitution that nobody needs.

This is packaging freaks being too clever by half.

At times, such elitist ignorance can have disastrous consequences. A great deal of 'liberal' legislation in recent years, for example, has been based on the assumption that bored and not very bright people short of stimuli will be able to resist casinos and handle booze with the same success as career-driven University educated and/or middle class professionals. Elitist as this may itself sound, look at the demography of those buying Lottery tickets. For all her other financial idiocies, you may rest assured that Tessa Jowell doesn't buy them.

This is privileged and mega-intelligent lawmakers being too clever by half.

The process of developing libertarian democratic policy has become muddled, and the terms 'inclusive' and 'representative' so inaccurately used as to be almost pointless as ways of rationalising manifesto promises. The underlying principle of our Parliamentary system has been, for nearly a century, that virtually universal suffrage should decide the direction of national government every five years. The equal universality of hitech media and public research has corrupted this idea, and - since about 1975 - begun to introduce the concept of instant 'yes or no' politics. Interactive technology could very quickly turn this into a nightmare similar to that in which the number of thumbs turned downwards decided the fate of gladiators in the Colisseum two thousand years ago.

In short, the real need is for politicians to do that hardest of things - ignore microphones, TV exposure, and photo-opportunities. This may prove an impossible task for the existing Establishment. As regular readers of nby will know by now, the editorial view here is that only a more genuinely broad Party democracy (driven initially by proportional representation) will allow entry to reformers with less to lose - and thus more motivation to bring considered sanity back to the British system.

Too clever by half has messed up badly: what we need is more politicians who reallyknow how the other half live. For truly intelligent, grounded people to carefully interpret what the other half is saying. If we cannot gain release from the bread-and-circuses-soap-opera-X Factor emotionalism of contemporary politics, then poor thinking and increasingly mob-focussed policies will triumph.

The signs are not that good. BBC News24 last Saturday agonised over the ins and outs of the Prime Minister's 'decision', and then - oh so predictably - cut up a good, analytical interview to go back to Downing Street and show......Gordon getting into a car. Earlier, Andrew Marr had been allowed into the Gordonial presence, and told by the Prime Minister that he would not be calling an election because he had "a vision for change" more important than electoral advantage. I doubt if a single viewer believed him. Cameron eagerly came to the microphone and told some Caledonian keeny that everyone would now vote Conservative. The following days' newspapers said Brown had 'bottled it' (pure Eastenders) been caught with his trousers down - plus a suitable illustration for illiterates (Murdoch's Times), and made the decision entirely 'because of our Poll' (The News of the World). Twenty years on from 'It was the Sun wot dun it', things are getting worse, and the knuckle-draggers more inordinately proud of their influence upon how the future is to be shaped.

If the clever folks don't get their act together, I fear, we may wind up being run by those who are too stupid by half. (8.10.07)

 

DO VOTERS REALLY SHARE THE OBSESSION WITH 'LEADER' PACKAGING?

 

Market Research is a rum old business. I conducted and used it for over thirty-five years, and my only definitive views on practitioners are (1) their job consists entirely of spotting respondent fibs and (2) most of them are no good at such discernment.

With our increasingly 'presidential' approach to Party leadership, the 'leadership qualities' rating has come to the fore in research questionnaires. Not only is the electorate almost always wrong about this (which is important) they are also hugely prone to respond in direct correlation to the last thing some important Nob said. This is a polite way of saying they are sometimes gullible - and have better short than long-term memories when put on the spot by a stranger interviewing them.

The assumption made on that basis - by both the political and research communities - is that voters remember very little (I mean - they're stupid, right?) and thus emotional 'Spin' about political leaders can survive almost anything 'in the long term'. The false extrapolation here (on top of the elite's 'they're stupid' belief) is that there is much of a correlation between perceived leadership qualities and voting in national elections.

I've had a few nagging doubts about this for a while, but a new study by Crosby/Textor/Pepper adds some flesh for us all to worry at. (For those who don't already know, Crosby is an Aussie spin-cum-strategy guru hired by the Conservative Party at the last election).

I'm not that interested in all the 'twelve marginals' stuff, as anyone in market research who hasn't yet learned to use our ludicrous Parliamentary voting system in this manner shouldn't be in the business in the first place. Rather more to the point is that this study not only gave the local candidate's name and Party for the voting intention questions, it also produced data on Party leaders' perceived trustworthiness alongside specific 'skills' as demonstrated in their past statements and behaviour.

CTP made much (in the Daily Telegraph) of how Brown's decision to back off from an election was 'a blunder'. This view they base partly on the fact that the Prime Minister knocked Cameron for six on the dimension of who 'would make the better Prime Minister' - and would thus have lost only one seat in among the twelve marginals - nowhere near enough to threaten New Labour's Commons majority.

I believe this interpretation is flawed. Saying after the event what would have happened is a silly area for market researchers to be in. By this token, for instance, the UK 'would' have elected Harold Wilson in 1970 and Neil Kinnock in 1993. The fact that we did neither was down to the perceived trustworthiness (and humanity) displayed by Heath and Major respectively as the campaigns developed.

There is also an extent to which CTP contradict themselves, in that on the one hand they say Brown's perceived Prime Ministerial competence would have carried him home easily, but on the other that a united Party with original policies is more important. The point of this piece is not, by the way, to give the Antipodean Crosby a thick ear (although that would be nice) but rather to express the view that this second extrapolation is by far the more convincing one.

The data are compelling: Cameron's great 'Fight Back' was trumpeted by the media (especially his partly off-the-cuff speech) as a turning point in his fortunes. In fact, his own personal standing rose hardly at all. What did rise 13 points was the Tory score on 'strong and united' - and after the Conference, a majority of voters in the marginals thought Britain was 'moving in the wrong direction'.

An M Sc in psychology is not required in order to understand why this was: both William Hague and David Davies outlined with lucidity and brevity precisely what is daft about the New Labour project - and, to be fair, so did Cameron. Further, these three and Oliver Letwin were key elements in the 'alright then fat boy, let's see what you're made of' approach: they were Four Musketeers, all for one and one for all.

Another thing I suspect CTP may have nailed is the reality that all Party leader posturing and theatrics are hostages to fortune. Put another way, protestations of goodness can do very little for one's positive image (see earlier) but they can easily backfire. A further ICM poll at the weekend showed that Brown's 'no spin' was seen by 61% of voters as empty, and his government thus as 'willing to use as much spin as Tony Blair's'.

Looking back over sixty or more years, we can see much support for this hypothesis. Churchill tried scare tactics and his wartime record to see off Labour in 1945. Wilson tried to depict Heath as 'yesterday's man' in 1970. Kinnock first of all tried to depict Thatcher as evil (1989) and then became puffed up and triumphalist against Major (1993). Major in turn then tried to demonise Blair in 1997. They all lost: personality politics is a double-edged sword.

There are lessons here for everyone, especially market researchers and Party grandees: smart people, floating voters and those who know they're voting in a marginal will always fall back on real behaviour when judging if somebody can be trusted. In valuing honesty, they also value loyalty. And no amount of spin about a policy's 'success' will convince them if their experience on the ground doesn't back up the ever-mendacious statistics.

Oddly enough, I think somewhere inside his uncertain and multifaceted neurosis, the Prime Minister knows the essential truth within that conclusion. This column said three weeks ago he 'had only himself to fear' - and indeed, had he said within a week of the first snap-election briefings "Let's go", he would've walked it. But being 'himself', he schemed, he analysed, he hesitated - and missed his chance.

I disagree with CTP: had Brown given the Green light the weekend after the Conservative rally at Blackpool, he would've seen his broken promise of a spin-free world punished, his majority at least halved, and his authority damaged beyond repair. He was, in a nutshell, the wise coward on this occasion. But Crosby's other insight - that good policies and a bright, practical team are ultimately the best support for a Party leader - is right on the money.

Personality (ie,Presidential) politics have a far better record of success in the United States. But in the end, their system is entirely different to ours. Presidents can't sit in Congress - they sit alone in the Oval Office. They can take much underserved credit - and dish out great bowl-fulls of blame when opposed by the two Houses on Capitol Hill. On many issues, they can appear to wind up way above party wrangling. They are the nearest thing the US has to a Monarch, or overall cultural leader. And basically, at key moments they can blink (or not) on issues and crises where - quite genuinely - the fate of the planet is in their hands.

In the UK, the stage is smaller and the actors more equal. There is Cabinet Responsibility. Our self-image is far more critical than that of the average American. Even today, we are far less gullible about the ability of anything (let alone one man) to solve our very obviously deep problems. But most important of all, we have never bought into the American obsession with winners. It's not that we want losers - but we do prefer good losers at worst, and underdogs at best. And for some reason, small teams - Four Musketeers or Battle of Britain pilots - triumphing against the odds are very much our Thing. For me, this is an excellent starting point from which Cameron's team can now cut the antics and get across the policies.

As for Australians in the context of team triumphs, I have only this to say in conclusion: "England 12 Australia 10". (15.10.07)

 

without discretion there can be no liberty

 

My Dad always used to say that "Do you want to know a secret?" was internally illogical as a question. If someone tells someone else a secret, then it's no longer a secret. He was right about that: the only true secrets are the personal ones we take to our grave.

Ever since Profumo in the UK, and Nixon's infamous tapes in America, the only unknowns left today are genuine State secrets: I'm not sure there are that many qualifying as 'genuine' anyway - and even these often pop up in memoirs later, despite MI5 employees having signed the Official Secrets Act previously. The excuse - public interest - is fair enough; but if you're worried about public interest, don't join the security services.

In our contemporary culture, once a secret so much as pokes an ankle out of the closet, it is doomed to wind up entirely naked in the public domain. While I'm the first to support full disclosure of wrongdoing, I'm old-fashioned enough to think that some things are better off remaining private - no matter how interested the public is.

The key word here is discretion. Discretion is part and parcel of morality, loyalty, ethics, self-control and respect for others. A cover-up is a cover-up if self-seeking mendacity, incompetence, criminal activity or corruption are involved. If not, it's discretion. Without discretion, cultural standards (and even our civilisation as a whole) will always be in danger.

Self-obsession ensures that most celebrities these days are indiscreet about everything, especially themselves: their struggles, their shame, their demons, their parents, their sexuality. They do this to keep the cameras on them once their shallow talent has been mined, and to fill up the bank account that is consequently emptying.

The media have lost the meaning of discretion - except when their own kind are involved, at which point they bleat for privacy. The low-life celeb-mag sector goes not only behind the doors of the famous, but also into their underwear. It is quite unspeakably, cruelly indiscreet. These ghouls are not selling honesty: they're selling vengeful, twisted envy.

The tabloids remain as tediously repetitive as ever. Thirty years ago, some Sun headlines were funny - largely because Kelvin Mackenzie can be very amusing indeed, when he isn't busy peddling his knuckle-dragger philosophy. For over a decade now, all the red-tops have failed utterly to change anything except the facts, or invent anything except stories: pervs, love-rats, kid-killers, sex-beasts and whistle-blowers remain unchanged - while the hacks involved are still yelling through celebrity letter-boxes in the hope of terrifying their victims into admitting horror, pain and all the rest of it.

None of this is in the public interest. Rather, it is out among an interested public - fascinated, in fact (to the point of obsessive compulsion) with celebrity frailty. It enriches nothing in our culture except the gargoyle personalities who own our media: men (and it's mainly men) who change their nationalities for gain and censor to placate fascists in one breath - yet demand full disclosure for everyone else in the next. Who award their wives loudhailer newspaper columns and a thousand frocks, then cry anti-semitism when she is criticised, then claim they've been framed after being found guilty of audacious embezzlement on a mind-boggling scale. Who bully employees, bad-debt suppliers, spike real cover-up revelations and steal pension funds - then fall off their gigantic, vulgar yachts, having reached a level of obesity almost unparalleled among even the fattest cats.

Why does any of this matter? Because the freedom to reveal comes with the responsibility to accept a morally higher need to remain silent. Keeping a promise will (naturally) create ethical dilemmas: I have sworn an allegiance, but the Fuhrer seems to be engaged in gratuitous genocide. However, but one golden rule should be applied here, one key question asked: did I sign up for this? If the answer is 'no', then breaking the oath is no crime at all. But if the answer is 'yes', then one's lips must remain sealed.

Very simply, if people cannot 'obey their oaths', then indiscretion (which is more often license than liberty) will eventually kill freedom. Because the controlling types at the top - if they see nobody can be trusted to keep their word - will take the right to utter that word off them. News media will be censored, maverick security agents quietly dispatched to shallow graves, and every press release monitored by pinched goblins. Orwell's Ministry of Truth will have arrived - to stay. And the open society will be at an end.

This week, we have another royal 'scandal'. Along with other commentators, I too will be intrigued by this 'secret' until it dribbles out - as it inevitably will. But the only way it can now do so is via the relatives and friends of the blackmailers, or via the police. And these days, the police are as leaky as everyone else. Even if nobody wants to talk, money talks - and very persuasively.

When policemen are no longer discreet, then all trust in institutional morality is put in question - and the anal rulers referred to above will feel vindicated in their paranoid decision to trust none of us.

There are many, many occasions when everyone - famous or otherwise - is entitled to freedom from their private lives, business decisions and personal peccadillos being made public. Martin Jol - the newly-fired Spurs manager - was entitled to expect discretion from the club's Chairman regarding his dismissal. It wasn't forthcoming. The Liberal Democrat MP Simon Hughes was entitled to keep his sexual orientation private. Under prurient pressure, he felt it necessary to lie about being bisexual. It cost him a leadership contest he should have won easily, and did considerable damage to his Party.

Further Royal revelations about the current episode will not be in anyone's interests. We are not talking about a morally corrupt or decadent family here, whatever Murdoch's republicans would have us believe. Some inhibited bloke rogering a compliant footman (maybe) while snorting coke is not news any more: it's life. A minor Royal is (perhaps) harming him or herself. A Royal courtier (probably) constructed the set-up. Now two people have been charged with blackmail. They are (almost cedrtainly) guilty, as they appear to have been trapped by undercover coppers. None of us are going to benefit from knowing any more than this. What we know already is more than enough to worry about. (29.10.07)

 

NEW LABOUR LITE:

HIGH IN IQ AND ARROGANCE,

LOW IN WISDOM AND CREATIVITY

 

One's intelligence quotient comes largely from genetic background, although it can be augmented by the right environment and experiences - depending on one's definition of IQ.

There are many who believe IQ as a concept is anything from worthless to hugely overrated as a means of judging or predicting capability. I'm not on this spectrum, but quite close to it in that I'd dub it an inexact blunt instrument' - somewhere off the right hand end.

In many cases, IQ is little or no guide to a person's job suitability. Some years back, a rather snotty Cambridge graduate we'd employed in our ad agency presented to a major client - as in, the biggest client we had by some distance. Irked that this marketing director had not at first grasped her insight about his brand, the lady concerned said with lead-heavy irony, "Didn't understand that? OK, I'll say it again more slowly."

The following day, the client Chairman rang me to request that we never show him this person again. I was bound to agree with him, but when I brought the matter up with my employee, she informed me with cool sarcasm that both our agency and its clients were too thick to appreciate her genius. So before she could do any more damage, I fired her. I heard some five years later that this person had dropped out of advertising. She was now working for a Government think-tank.

In short, her naivety, arrogance and lack of antennae made her totally unsuitable for any job in a a service industry. But at the same time, I was somehow unsurprised that she was to be found advising Westminster. Today, some twenty years later, I would regard it as no more than a confirmation of my long-held view: that those both influencing and in charge of socio-economic policy are extremely bright, very certain, but utterly lacking in wisdom or relevant ideas.

With wisdom comes humility, the desire to learn more, and the challenge of creative risk. If you've spent much of life being told you have a brain the size of the planet, the chances are you already think you know more than anyone else - and perhaps everything. By this stage of delusion, the point of being clever is not to solve problems, but rather to keep on showing how clever you are. Thus, those trying to interpret Brownesque cleverness in the Treasury tore their hair out for the best part of a decade. The same was true of those working for Hewitt, Kelly, Miliband - and especially the unfortunate Ministers receiving the benefit of the Prime Minister's 'initiatives' - during the long, directionless years of Blairite spin.

Without humility, even the daftest idea and the most thinly veiled subterfuge gains a hearing, becomes policy and passes into the Statute Book. A culture with gambling and binge drinking problems is offered more access to both as a solution. An already over-complex housing process is complicated still further (and its key problems unaddressed) by a law requiring more public servants, more legal fees and and a new cost for vendors. It is defended with the assertion that it will save everyone time and money. Brown declares that we are not withdrawing from Iraq, and then takes 30% of the troops out. David Miliband declares the Lisbon Treaty 'completely different' to the previously rejected Constitution, even though its EU supporters openly admit the new document is 98% the same as its predecessor. 84% of the population (including the black head of the Race Relations Commission) declares itself against uncontrolled immigration; the Government does nothing except prepare for the invasion, having already been 93% adrift in its estimate of those likely to settle here. Chickens roosting in full prisons as a result of misguided social policy are simply set free. Financial turkeys are handed the Olympic budget for safe keeping.

As a nation, we need - very urgently - to rethink not only what we need in (and from) our politicians, but also from where we obtain them, and why. In the 1930s, an interesting Freudian called Harold Lasswell wrote the controversial academic bestseller The Psychology of Politics. Although his proposal - that all politicians should be screened for signs of dangerous neurosis - looks naive from the perspective of 2007, Lasswell's laudable concern was to avoid megalomaniacs like Stalin and Hitler. There is certainly a contemporary case for at least limiting the number of graduates, Oxbridgers, public schoolboys, lawyers and 'career' politicians; and demanding a quota for those who have had a commercial job.

This is not, by the way, the thought of an embittered 'I was brought up in the school of hard knocks' drongo. My degree was in history and politics, and most people I knew in my thirties were convinced I'd make more than a few million and then enter politics. They were wrong on both counts, in the second case because by then I'd met enough politicians to know they were either very dull or obviously deranged.

My suggestions are as follows:

1. Politicians' salaries should be means-tested. 2. At least two-thirds of all female Cabinet members should have children. 3. All Cabinet members, Whips and Shadow Cabinet members must live in their own homes unassisted by cheap mortgages or nannies, travel on public transport in London, go Standard Class Inter-City, use only the NHS and not be allowed to put aged relatives in private nursing homes.* (The nutshell of this is 'all politicos should experience the effects of their policies'). 4. Quotas for Ministers as shown above. 5. Every serving Minister must be able to say what he or she has learned from failure at some point in their lives.

The last point seems to me the most important of all. Success may go to our heads, but failure goes into the left cortex as a lesson. It sows a seed of humility, and this (going back to where I started) leads to a willingness to learn and improve. We mainly learn from mistakes: which is why those who think themselves superior bordering on perfect rarely learn anything.

Politicians who seek only to excuse, spin or hide their errors of judgement should read Aleksander Solzhenytsin's novella We never make mistakes. Written in 1970, it remains a prescient analysis of why the Soviet Union was doomed to failure: quite simply, it never changed for the better.

___________________________________________________________________________________

*For what it's worth, the much loved and loathed Mayor Livingstone does this whenever possible

___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

 

 

Do markets really decide?

 

It's a tricky question, but on balance it takes about two seconds to formulate a reply along the lines of 'no'.

There are two reasons for this. First, inanimate things don't decide anything, because they don't have a brain. Sometimes consumers decide, and sometimes other folks do. Second - and closely related to these 'other folks' - while markets being allowed to 'decide' sounds very brave and take-it-like-a-man, it's amazing how the main beneficiaries of market fluctuation run for cover when the decision is less clearly in their favour.

We may all be back in caves and trees by this time next year, but those responsible will still be offering loans to Mr & Mrs Wayne Ug from the safety of large ocean-going yachts. For as we have seen on four separate occasions so far in the credit fudge, the only ones still standing when the fudge hits the fan are the taxpayers.

This is not Friedmanite economics as I understand it, but setting this reality to one side for a moment, there are three schools of thought about where the West is heading commercially and financially as 2007 draws to a close. One says pear-shaped any day now, another says if we hold our nerve everything will be dandy, and a Third Way says it'll be one of those two. Regular fans of nby will know that I'm firmly in the tits-up camp (mind you, I have been since 2005,so what do I know?) and my instinct tells me that the longer you lie on a volcano, the bigger the bang when you get off. Bit like Heather Mills-McCartney, really.

Three stories last weekend did strike me as especially pertinent, however. The first was by the Sunday Times' financial guru David Smith, who devoted a whole page (itself flagged on the front page) to 'Credit Crunch: how worried should you be?' He spent 3000 words saying maybe you should be, and maybe you shouldn't - it was hard to tell. It was a remarkable piece of fence-sitting, in which one paragraph about a total collapse of the banking system was followed by another imagining a slow climb back to the sunny uplands of eternal growth. A lot of journalism is like this, and always has been. But this chap is supposed to be a leading expert. I smiled in admiration as I got to the end of the article.

The second was in the Mail on Sunday, and discussed the way in which three or four hedge fund masterminds have spent the last few months using speculation to manipulate the price of oil upwards by roughly 40%. That's an awfully large increase, and an awfully huge amount of profit for no more than a dozen or so carpet-baggers. In fact (as several experts confirmed in both the FT and the Sunday Times) there is no shortage at all of oil; thus, you and I are paying over a quid a litre for petrol at the pumps so a few troughers can demonstrate their remarkable skills.

Call my sense of humour darkly macabre if you like, but these days I laugh out loud on reading this sort of stuff. The Mail's censorious account of monstrous racketeering really did have me giggling by the third column of the piece. The amusement for me came (as usual) from thinking of parallels. Alex Salmond poisoning Japanese whisky output to treble the price of Scotch. Jonathan Porritt radiating the Middle East and Texas in order to double the interest in clean transport. Or Diageo putting crack cocaine in alcopops - and then increasing the price tenfold, explaining that this was a socially responsible attempt to curb binge drinking.

The third was in Saturday's Telegraph, and noted (two months after nby did) that all New Labour has done with education is make the aspirant lower-middle classes pay (at least partly) for City College or fully private schooling - having forty years ago abolished grammar schools that provided exactly the same (probably better) quality free to everyone regardless of social background and solely upon ability.

However, the Telegraph went a headline hilariously too far with its 'parents flock to private sector' angle. The figures simply didn't stack up: a 1% rise in market share for private education is hardly a stampede to get little Dean into Rugby. One sentence noted with obvious desperation that 'in some wealthy areas, whereas two years ago 37% of children were privately educated, the figure is now 41%'. Stop the presses Scoop,we need a special here.

What in the name of tediously scrolling down this screen, you're wondering, has all this to do with anything?

Simply this: a journalist paid a whopping salary for his wise opinion offers everything up to but not including the opinion part of the deal, in an article about how free marketeers want the market to decide, and then the taxpayer to cough up when the market makes a decision not in their business model. A dozen fat slobs cause over thirty million citizens to pay over the odds, in order to manipulate a market whose decision to pump out more oil was also not to their liking. And a government repeats, over and over again for a decade, that they have cut taxes when all they've done is change taxes and double them - while a right-wing newspaper blatantly misleads readers into thinking that millions more Britons are having to starve in order to send their kids to public school. The market, it said, was deciding - when it quite clearly wasn't doing anything of the kind.

It kind of puts into perspective what a long, hard, uphill slog it's going to be restoring our civilisation to at least some semblance of the ethics that once made it unique.

The solution to this laughably obvious collapse in commercial and governmental morality is not the abolition of capitalism and democracy, but the reform of capitalism, and the restoration of a civic sense felt by the vast majority to be infinitely more important than money. The catalysts to get things rolling will be the bursting of cheap borrowing's South Sea Bubble, and the democratisation of Britain's electoral system.

Mervyn King is right, and Gordon Brown is wrong. Only a large dose of reality can teach grinning gluttons that at the end of their muddy little track lies the cliff edge. Getting working people to bale out incautious idiots will never achieve anything beyond encouraging them to do it again. (13.11.07)

 

 

Let us now blame junior men

 

Early in my career, a senior adman said to me "Any system is only as good as the people working it". His use of the verb was intentional, in that 'working the system' in the 1970s meant screwing it.

Following Mrs Thatcher's new broom, it was hoped by many that the Jobsworth-cum-idle types working the system would become extinct - threatened as they'd be by market pressures. It is one of the myths surrounding Baroness Thatcher that she cut the percentage of the workforce engaged in the public sector. Far from it: the Civil Service in particular was bigger when she left office than when she arrived in Number Ten.

In 2007, 'systems' to guide jobsworths have developed to a stage where they appear to be designed for folks who've had a frontal lobotomy. During PMQs last Wednesday, David Cameron described Darling's missing twenty five million ID details as 'a systemic failure'. He is wrong about this on almost any basis of relevance to the case.

First and foremost, it was a Human Resources failure. Some minor apparatchik who knew the rules perfectly well thought 'sod it', and sent a massive amount of sensitive information through the post without so much as registering it, let alone using Special D. Why on earth was such a drongo employed in the first place? Although the Union involved would have us believe that overwork caused an oversight, this is palpable bunk: that's like saying that an 'overworked' surgeon left a vitally needed human heart on a slab rather than immediately placing it in a sterile deep-freeze ambulance container.

Second (and more broadly) this represents a cultural failure. I refer not just to the 'let's stick a notice up and that'll solve it' tendency, but also the apparent desire of so many people today to assume that every rule is somebody else's responsibility - or doesn't apply to them. Across the full range of government - from armed forces procedure through to regulations for the maintenance of water-supply infrastructure - direction is blithely ignored. Last week, I waited four hours (after making three strong complaints) before an anti-infection gel dispenser was refilled at the main entrance of Weymouth hospital.

A complete re-engineering of citizen attitudes would be required to change this. After each flagrant example of poor behaviour in such instances - and subsequent disasters - we are always treated to junior ministers and senior officials saying "Well, I think the important thing is that we can learn the lessons of this appalling situation". The problem is, we don't seem to learn any more.

Third, there was a failure of Civil Service attitude. Ho-hum, we seem to have lost the population's personal details. Ah well, they'll turn up - in the meantime, let's send them again. When - thirty days later - they hadn't surfaced, the Chancellor was forced to make a humiliating statement to Parliament.

It is a terrifyingly ironic situation we find ourselves in. Civil servants are quite happy to let things drift because they have gold-plated pensions and will never face either re-election or the chop. And senior politicians used to the aphrodisiac of power will do anything which presses balm onto the electorate (whether this be effective or not) so they can have yet more years of riding about in a world hermetically sealed from day to day reality.

Fourth, there has been a failure of policy. As any sane human being of maturity could tell you, there is no such thing as 'twenty-five million secrets'. Keeping that number of details secret is the goal of those not grounded in reality - whom nby calls the Wuts*. Exactly the same flaw (along with the obvious possibility of absolute State power) is apparent in the whole idea of an ID system. Access will be restricted, but lazy and/or greedy individuals will find ways round that. If the regular arrival of state secrets in Moscow from 1942 until 1982 doesn't make this clear to deluded control-freaks, then nothing will.

Finally, there has been a failure caused by Prime Ministerial tramline vision, and his inability to accept that any strategy he follows might - just possibly - be wrong. Gordon Brown's much-vaunted 'apology' was a narrow affair indeed: he apologised for the 'inconvenience' caused to Benefit recipients. No remorse was shown in relation to exposing a majority of the electorate to rampant fraud. Disgracefully, he went on to suggest that with a 'Tory' level of Revenue staff cuts, the situation might have been worse. How exactly? Does his logic suggest that the fewer the hands at the wheel, the more private information will be dished out?

Predictably, the Prime Minister announced a review. So look, he seemed to say when challenged by the Opposition Leader: I've apologised, I've blamed somebody, and there'll be an enquiry - what is your problem squire? But a review is merely another system, another procedure, another House of Lords crony to be leaned upon in the event of his or her finding anything embarrassing - or criminal. (To be specific, my Junior Treasury source has already questioned Brown's definition of 'junior' in relation to the Civil Servant involved. This is presumably like the Palace's definition of a 'distant' relative of the Queen in the blackmail affair of three weeks ago.)

I think there are two issues at stake here, and both are far more important than any one event.

The first is that Brown's spin-free, open, libertarian, competent and 'strong' difference in style is well and truly dead and buried. Those commentators who argue this is 'the end of the honeymoon' are mistaking small tiff for multiple adultery. Only a series of spectacular own-goals from the Opposition can save this Government from henceforth being a paraplegic duck.

Secondly - and this is simply the nature of cyclical politics under our system of constant media-glare - the Administration that has taken over from Blair's is behaving more and more like that of Major after 1992: the way seems so littered with tired ideas, banana skins, underservedly saved skins, sleaze, and indifference, there is no room for any real progress to be made.

The real problem for the Nation is that atop this heap of mediocrity sits a man who shares the same blind obstinacy as Margaret Thatcher - but none of her will, decisiveness or conviction. (20.11.07)

____________________________________

This may not be the end of Brown, but it is the start of something better

 

Perhaps the most oft-quoted example of positivity without undue optimism is the Commons statement by Churchill in 1942: the old toper remarked that Rommel's defeat was not the beginning of the end but 'the end of the beginning' of final victory. While Gordon Brown's 'style' of Government is unravelling before our eyes - as he is surely doing behind locked doors - Churchill's measured assessment is a perfect guiding light for all those who want to see an end to this Establishment, and the arrival (at last) of a new ethical dawn.

For all that he is mentally deformed and totally unsuited to either team politics or national leadership, the Prime Minister's personality will thrive on last-redoubt bunker government. There are still (in theory) eighteen months before New Labour must face the music, during which anything from unpredicted national crisis to Conservative own-goals might dramatically snatch Brown from the back molars of electoral slaughter.

I very much doubt it, if only because the main crisis is both widely expected - and more likely to be a final coffin nail than a daring leap to safety. But there will be more protestations of strong leadership, more 'fresh starts', more lies and more stunts before this particular game is finally over. Best to get in a good stock of silver bullets, crucifixes and scandals to ensure the Undead are finally banished to the Other Side.

What I think we can be certain about now is that the confluence of historical catalysts is in place, and a growing current will take all of us (whether willing or not) into the new zeitgeist. But if it's no longer a question of 'if', the matter of 'when' is still very important: this process could take twenty years, or two - from here on, it all depends on us.

Four years ago, the US TV series Desperate Housewives - easily the most seditious programme to come out of America in years - declared open season on surreal examples of political correctness, feminism, corporate life-imbalance, indebtedness, sexual license and anything else it could take a swipe at.

In the intervening years, major American writers and academics have blown their incorrect cover, been subjected to the usual East Coast hail of hate - but found support and survived.

Since the start of 2006, 'spin' has become a four-letter word that people shrink from using in polite company.

After years of central bankers unwisely propping up global 'growth' with low-rate, indiscriminate lending, the likes of Mervyn King have finally started to say 'call time, and call in the debt'.

Leaders of all races, cultures, communities and religions are calling for an end to appeasement, and an acceptance that soft-pedalling on asylum seekers, mass immigration and extremism must stop. During 2007 - especially since Blair's disappearing trick - firemen, policemen, social workers, backbench MPs, Health Workers, pension quangos, prison authorities, radio talk hosts and virtually every other kind of opinion influencer has argued that crazy sentences, drink laws, debt levels and gambling developments are the antithesis of what's required to bring some sanity back to our culture.

This year, three separate corporate bodies have criticised the Government for dragging their feet on carbon output.

Since the middle of September, I've met people actually finding it hard to get a loan. (And in every case, deservedly so).

Three weeks ago, a senior corporate opinion leader delivered a devastating critique of Birtist Management Consultancy syntax as 'gibberish'. Other business speakers have begun to question whether (if utilities greed can't be contained voluntarily) we need obligatory infrastructural investment and price control. Even some of my more Friedmanite chums are asking if laissez faire economics can possibly always be the answer. Several are now joining the chorus questioning the inevitability of Globalism.

A fortnight ago, our abysmal soccer performance against a tiny Balkan nation finally made the FA's Chief Executive wonder if high salaries paid to overgrown children were really the way to introduce excellence into the grass roots of the beautiful game.

Last week, senior American bankers started to admit that the 'toxic' sub-prime crisis is not just a blip. On Wednesday, a remarkable piece by Gillian Tett in the Financial Times gave four frighteningly well-argued reasons why sub-prime must and will spread to the broader economy - and all of our lives.

What we are seeing here is an end to blind optimism, and the revival of empiricism: 'I have seen the present, and it doesn't work'. The next stage will be the emergence of socio-political observers calling for a new approach to how we elect and how we are governed. Simon Jenkins and Rod Liddle are already leading the charge. It is too early yet to tell whether the Conservatives will be mown down by this, or step to one side, or shout 'My Kingdom for a horse'. Whatever they do, the process is unstoppable. (27.11.07)

__________________________________________

 

The Second Chance

As the years pile on and the seventh decade beckons, I'm beginning to understand just how important it is to give folks a second chance.

There's more to this than love, peace and philanthropy: the second go given to someone who cocked up (or ran amok) the first time around can reveal hitherto undiscovered treasures - and at a heavily discounted price. My final few years in advertising held one or two triumphs of hiring so-called 'old lags' who wanted another crack at life. Great football managers often do the same - most notably Brian Clough.

In one's private life, people who failed us, seemingly 'screwed' us (or were just plain nasty to us) become demons with the distance offered by time. Yet it is extraordinary how - on occasionally meeting examples again twenty years on - I now realise I must have been equally at fault, if only because they're obviously very decent people with all the same problems of health and finance that come to us all.

With most reasonably balanced individuals, maturity brings a degree of calm and rather more wisdom to soothe the aches and pains. Sadly, our contemporary media do not allow this reality to brighten up the dark colour of their hasty judgement: once a love-rat, always a love-rat, and all that.

On a tiny advertising stage twenty-five years ago, I was the gruff Planner, the northerner who didn't suffer fools, the ruthlessly ambitious nasty piece of work in too much of a hurry. There was considerably more than a grain of truth in all that, but once established, the image stuck long after such behaviour had been consigned to the past. In the late 1980s, Michael Bungey saw more than this in me, and offered The Second Chance I badly needed. He and others allowed my last decade in the business to be one of Autumn Gold.

What astonished (and horrified) me on arriving at the then Dorland was how many people greeted my arrival with ridiculously tall stories about what an unmitigated shit I was. Most people were won over in time, but others just needed to believe the Hobgoblin propaganda. Later still (in relation to others in need of a second chance) I noticed how often these very same diehards were the first to condemn and the last to forgive. I met one only three weeks ago; he badmouthed a friend of mine who (also in the early years) had something of a wide-boy reputation. Nothing I said could persuade this chap from his relentless spittle of hatred.

I think the extrapolation from this is simple enough: big people don't like others to fail. On the whole, they enjoy the renaissance of somebody written off. Small people revel in all this, because it ensures there are others with further to fall than them.

I am also bound to observe that, disturbingly often, the judgemental moral pygmies are the very ones on their fifth chance - but still blowing it. For these people, I have developed a life rule from which I rarely waver: give them the second chance, accept it when they don't take it - and try to forgive. But what you shouldn't do is forget. To forgive these folks is divine, but to forget their modus operandi is dumb. For they are the ones who will never change - and should thus be avoided. (10.12.07)

_______________________________________________________________________

 

Time to take the money out of politics

Hardly has the dust settled on the Jewish Donor Conspiracy than the Islamic Conspiracy of Imran Khand hoves into view (£300,000 worth of electoral law evasion) alongside Lord Ashcroft's Tory donations of nearly £3million over five years, dished out with an air of spend, spend, spend to Conservative candidates in marginal constituencies.

Call me old-fashioned, but the TUC bankrolling penniless, disenfranchised Labour MPs in 1897 seems to me entirely justified given that the playing field of the day belonged to Eton School - and offered a heavy slope in the ruling class's favour. In 1997 - and now in 2007 - the word I'd use is unacceptable. As for wealthy Tories getting help from the likes of Ashcroft, the only clean word that springs to mind is unpalateable.

There are a number of important issues here, and they should not be obscured by the unimaginative tabloid sub-editor's obsession with 'sleaze'. For the real problem - unelected influence - goes to the very core of our libertarian democratic system.

First and foremost, there are certain times when - via a mixture of big money, vote concentration and time aperture - relatively small interest groups can dominate British politics. Usually, such influence is to the detriment of the majority's needs. During the last four decades, we have seen this in relation to the Liberal Party (when Heath tried to stave off a Labour Government) the TUC (when undemocratic block-voting could have undermined Parliament's sovereignty) the media (when Murdoch power threatened to give him two million votes to everyone else's one) dodgy foreign interests (when half-mad oil-barons almost bankrolled the Opposition's campaign in total) illiberal religious interests (when Islamic concentrations in Bradford and Leicester got perilously close to legalised privilege) and now 'secret' (aka bent) donations threatening to give power to already rich people at both local and national level.

In this context, I would offer the view that British electoral politics are no less corrupt today than they were under the Rotten Boroughs of eighteenth century England.

Second, 'unelected' must surely now be applied as a term (by all rational observers) to many of our sitting MPs, in that such 'elected' representatives are - in over 250 cases in the current House of Commons - there thanks to a minority level of support in their constituencies. The single transferable vote (STV) system is one of the keys to truly devolving responsibility and democracy in our culture. This and this alone can break the stranglehold of the Big Two parties, neither of whom represent electors in the meaningful sense of that verb any more. Make 'first past the post' the system of choice, and you immediately open the influence door directly to anyone who is rich and can count.

Third, like it or not, Britain's new mega-rich have found ever-more insidious ways (underwriting City Colleges being the latest) of getting the Establishment's ear. And the Establishment's ear - be it New Labour or Conservative - is elephantine in proportion, but utterly lacking in shrewd discernment in relation to the schmooze it is hearing. As the CBI's more wealthy members (and the TUC's bigger battalions) have demonstrated in the past, politicians like power - but they recognise that under the current system it takes money - ' in large amounts' as Ron Moody's Fagin opined - to achieve it and protect it.

Penultimately (but perhaps most important) the 'lost deposit' system - quite genuinely imposed to stop the lunatic vote getting any representation - is retained today as an utterly cynical means by which grass-roots concerns can be denied access to the political process. To me, 'disenfranchised' is simply the arse-side of a coin called 'unelected'.

Finally, in a bizarre and almost obscene rebuttal of its origins, New Labour's soi-disant 'reform' of the upper chamber has produced nothing more than a latter-day Etats-Generals - the wealthy and aristocratic 'parlement' sop given out to the democratic dupes in the years before France's 1789 revolution. Scroll down the list of the new life-peers 'enobled' by Blair and his seedy apparatchiks, and you will see only drones ever-prepared to do the Government's bidding - regardless of either constitutional or national interest.

The solution to this cess-pit of unearned influence is extremely straightforward: the banning forthwith of all donations to political parties, and the creation - however bitter the taste may be to most of us - of a tax-funded pot available to all realistic political groupings for the furtherance of their aims.

There are two major objections to this. The first is once again the 'keep out the loonies' barrier of maintaining a high cost of entry. My answer to this is that if only money is keeping out the loonies, then we are in a parlous state indeed. The second revolves around the 'bottomless pit' fear: that everyone and his mother will want to stand for Parliament and thus make a mockery of the electoral process. Again, I think only a modicum of imagination is required to make something practical of my term 'realistic political groupings' in the above paragraph. A research study of 8,000 voters (ruling out all those parties obtaining less than, say, 7% of voting intentions) would have a margin of error at almost zero, and cost very little in the greater scheme of things.

An additional way to avoid the bottomless pit, of course, would be to say up front that the pit is finite: there are £20 million in the fund, and that's yer lot. Make of it what you will, guys - but each of you will have to make do on what's available.

How would it be apportioned? Well, most definitely not on level of support. Let us say for example that five Parties passed the research 'Primary' - Tories, Labour, Libdems, Greens, BNP - and a new lot called The Clean Reform Party. Then quite simply they would be given 20% each and told to get on with it. Each would have equal (but very limited) access to Political Broadcast airtime. And all would be banned from undertaking 'paid-for' advertising beyond leaflets clearly and only setting out the policies they advocated.

None of these ideas are pie in a cloud-cuckoo sky. They would instantly remove massive wealth and unelected influence from any role in our Parliamentary system. No, the reason they won't be enacted is because they would destroy - in the only positive sense of that verb - the stranglehold dinosaur Parties have on our system of government.

In the US, the log-cabin to White House story is almost impossible today - simply because for nearly a century, both major Parties have been unassailable institutions based upon the patronage of massive fame and wealth. This ghastly system has produced (among others) Warren Harding, Richard Nixon and George W. Bush. If the same fate is not to befall our democracy - in most senses, the cradle of libertarian democracy - then we must find a way to put pressure for change upon those running what's left of the United Kingdom into the ground.

(13.12.07)

__________________________________________________

Civilisation may end with a whimper, but its decline begins with a sneer

As I was watching a 'Best Ever' movie compilation on television the other night, something clunked into place inside the infernal machine that is my thinking system. It wasn't something I particularly wanted in that place, clunked or otherwise. But there it has remained, and I can't for the life of me get rid of it.

The film in question was Monty Python's Life of Brian, and the blasphemy case Mary Whitehouse and others tried to bring against it. The film itself looked as funny as ever, and as an added bonus there was the hilarious TV debate between Muggeridge and a gay bishop on the one hand, and Michael Palin plus Jon Cleese on the other. Not only did Cleese run languid intellectual rings round St Mugg, Palin uttered one of his best lines, telling the self-styled 'open-minded' Bishop that he was "so relieved" the old puff had brought his mind ready-opened.

It was all a jolly jape, but the sequence left me with an uneasy feeling that has been nagging at me on and off for a couple of years now. I think I'm finally ready to put into words what the unease consists of, but for various reasons I do so with trepidation. You see, it's all very well for mega-bright University students to argue cogently about why Brian was harmless, but for some of the thicker folks wondering what to think about Christianity thirty years ago, I'm not sure it was harmless at all.

Towards the end of his life, I happened to work with Alf Garnett's inventor Johnny Speight. His creation Til Death do us Part represents a similar case to that of the Pythons biblical epic, in that while all we frightfully erudite intellectuals spotted immediately that Alf was an appalling bigot, lots of dockers all over the country thought him a good ol' boy setting an example to all of us. Speight had come to realise this, and people I know who've met Alf's player Warren Mitchell tell me he had the same equivocal feelings about the monster Garnett. It was yet another case of the elite being too clever by half.

From here on, this piece sinks ever deeper into the murky waters of potentially patronising reaction - but that won't hold me back any more. As 2008 dawns, I'm more certain than ever that taking the piss is fine for those who know its various levels, but not for the drongos who just fink it's a bit of a larf, like.

The late Peter Cook remains a hero of mine. A man who punctured pomposity more precisely than any other Twentieth Century Briton, he took a giant scimitar to the ruling class from 1960 onwards - whether that class consisted of Macmillans, Wilsons, Blairs, Union leaders, senior policemen, high court judges or soccer managers. His sketch Entirely a Matter for You (written and then peformed live on stage within five hours of the Thorpe judge's summing up) is a gem that everyone in awe of brainless authority should hear at least once in their lives.

But like so many of the satirists and Pythons and 'alternative' comics of the last four decades, Cook was a very bright and classically educated man. He knew why the Establishment was funny - but a huge proportion of his audience probably rarely got beyond the custard-pie element of laughing at Those in Charge. In the end, a generation of educationally mediocre people grew up thinking that all authority figures must be plonkers, because those clever blokes on the telly like John Mortimer, Clive Anderson, Ian Hislop, Eric Idle, Alan Bennett, John Bird and Rory Bremner just couldn't help seeing the funny side of them.

This is not as sweeping a generalisation as you might at first imagine. By the time you've ridiculed judges, politicians, teachers, vicars, fathers, housewife mums, coppers and royalty, there's little or nothing left to look up to. This is fine if you were born into a position on the class system where you're more likely to look down than up. But for those at the bottom (being advised on a daily basis in school that odd behaviour and giggling at PC Plod is fine) the experience is both disorientating, and likely to breed an attitude of contempt. I'm not sure that Essex Woman's contempt for Prince Philip and brainless adoration of Princess Diana is much of an improvement on cap-doffing and knowing one's place.

Of course, the obvious defence offered by those who have unpicked the culture over the last half-century is that if the Establishment behaves in a crass and hypocritical manner, then it deserves every brickbat thrown in its direction. I back this view entirely, but would nevertheless like to know what exactly is going to replace the old system. Certainly, nobody of sound mind can imagine that delusional pc apparatchiks, la-la land politicians, greedy commercial chieftains, social workers, feckless Underclass males and foul-mouthed stand-ups are the ideal raw material for a stable, law-abiding society where people look out for each other.

The easiest charge to lay at my door on the basis of this piece is that of young Leftie become aging curmudgeon along the heavily-trodden trail of Kingsley Amis, and all those other Angry Young Men who became Grumpy Old Men. This seems to me fair game, but doesn't answer the fundamental concern: given most human pack members need to sign up for what the Alphas think is best for everyone (or face anarchic chaos and the encroachment of rival packs) who and where are the Alphas today? And if and when they emerge, what good will be served by tabloid journalists hounding them into forced retirement?

Unquestioning obedience is a terrible idea. But relentlessly negative mickey-taking is almost as bad. Perhaps there is a new humorous form floating in the ether somewhere, via which better ways of running Britain can be made to tickle ribs rather than poke chests: I don't know, and to be honest I doubt it. Either way, knocking the house down is a bad idea if the only alternative is a pigsty.

(7.1.08)

________________________________________________________________________

 

Could Hillary still be the main event in America's last-chance saloon?

When notbornyesterday called Barack Obama as the likely Democrat winner in Iowa last year, it did so with a sense of sadness. The editorial view remains that Hillary Clinton would make a better President, and engage in genuine reform with the minimum of rhetoric.

I felt (and still feel) that an experienced fixer with real inside experience of the White House and Congress is precisely what the USA needs at the moment. For me, there is a lesson to be learned from the Kennedy/Johnson ticket in 1960: while JFK gave Americans a vision, he was a novice when it came to Congress in general and getting liberal laws passed in particular. It was typical of his successor LBJ that he knew precisely how to exploit the Congressional sympathy vote following Kennedy's assassination. In the first few months of 1964, for example, Johnson pushed through more integrational and welfare legislation than Bobby and Jack had managed in the previous three years.

Of course, the likelihood of an eventual Obama/Clinton ticket in 2008 is distant bordering on surreal: I cannot imagine why Democrat bosses would ever go with a ticket on which rode a black man and a left-liberal woman.

What makes 'real issue' politics so fascinating to sad folks like me is that - probably more so in America than anywhere else - people really will get off their butts and vote to stop something. Thus Hillary Clinton's victory in New Hampshire (where the 40+ female turn out was truly amazing) did, I suspect, reflect the feelings of middle-aged women who are tired of talk and hungry for walk. The female gender has always been more practical and pragmatic than the male, and nowhere was this more clearly evidenced than in the Comeback State two days ago. They clearly see Clinton as a walker, and Obama as a talker.

Once again, the media are obsessed with 'why oh why were the polls wrong?' when taking off the pc blindfold would reveal the truth instantly: nobody likes admitting they ain't gonna vote for the black guy. Faced with socially correct mania, people lie to market researchers.

What the bosses in Denver's smoke-free Democratic Convention rooms will be asking themselves six months from now is, how many US States are like New Hampshire? Obama remains the clear leader among digruntled Republican voters. While John McCain seems to be not so much forging ahead as foraging in the issues, we must all remember that this is a man who has been Jon Stewart's punch-bag joke guest on The Daily Show for some years now: Reagan and Schwarzenegger notwithstanding, do Americans - in their current mood - really want an affable loser in the Oval Office. The sheer weight of media attention on the challengers strikes me as making this the most difficult task in history for a GOP candidate.

As I said last November, most grown-up American voters want change. What New Hampshire women have said is that they want deliverable change - and Hillary is their woman.

I still think Obama will get the nomination, chiefly because (a) he is rock-solid among young voters of both parties (b) enough older Republicans would rather have him than McCain, and (c) in the redneck States, Hillary Clinton is one small diagnosis up from cancer. This last point may well hold the key to both nomination and election: while Clinton polarises, Barack Obama has the 'let's hear it for a fresh start' New Frontierism that gets people excited.

But I sincerely hope I'm wrong: for Hillary Clinton really would change America - and in a way that would enable it to face an uncertain future without becoming illiberal.

(11.1.08)

___________________________________________________________________________

(Format changed to 'Sage &Onions')

SAGE & ONIONS

 

Financial meltdown will always fry the economy

Although the Dow rallied as things got properly under way yesterday, two-thirds of shares lost value during trading. Things are getting pretty desperate when the Dow responds positively to JP Morgan buying a defunct major-league bank for 6% of its value.

In London, the loss was just short of 4% - and over three quarters of all stocks plunged. So far today (Tuesday 18th March) it's pulled back about half the loss - probably because New York rallied, and the Bank of England (inexplicably) chucked another five billion at the problem. Watch the stock market monitors going back to October last year, and it is obvious that the Bear market is gradually taking a stronger hold.

The much-predicted demise of Bear Sterns has made a reality of what must haunt Brown and Darling: the spectre of more Northern Rocks. Lending insurers made it clear over the weekend that they don't fancy the outlook for either Alliance & Leicester or Royal Bank of Scotland. The high-paying Icelandic banks were singled out as particularly high risks; in fact, my wife spent all Monday shouting at the Icesaver Call Centre to give us our money back - or else.

Things have gone beyond credit-crunch blips and silly business models now. Sooner rather than later, our government needs to stop making an artificial distinction between the financial and the economic, and accept that the electorate is not entirely stupid. One specific example close to my heart will serve to make the point.

The US financial institution AIG sponsors Manchester United. The bank is high up there among the names being bandied around as 'unsafe' - rather like Bear Sterns was a fortnight ago. The American owners of the soccer club borrowed heavily from similar banks to finance the deal....and then lumbered MUFC with the debt once they had bought the company back from the prying eyes of the Stock Exchange. Nice work if you can get it - but if US banks were to foreclose on this, Britain's most famous club brand (or AIG go belly up and thus be unable to continue ploughing huge sums into the cost of transfer fees) the current Premiership champions could soon find themselves virtually penniless.

Not Born Yesterday has been saying for five years that the Premiership is built upon a sandy Australian beach of holiday-Sky euphoria, but we did not foresee disaster coming from this direction. We did correctly identify United's owners as a bunch of carpet-bagging scheisters, but even they might go under at some point during the cataclysm which seems to be almost upon us.

Each generation seems to have to learn that every bubble must burst (for example, £120,000 a week for kicking a bit of leather around) and every loan be repaid. If an insane Zeitgeist persuades soccer drongoes that they deserve this elevated status (and borrowers that they are wealthy when they quite clearly aren't) it is an even more insane business model which suggests that these fantasies should be fed by applying no clamps on salaries - and no meaningful credit scores whatsoever on loans. Egomania and default are the inevitable end-results - and they will not go away because a greedy agent demands more, or some financial baboon invents Credit Default Swops.

But what makes this generation's arrogance unique is what I call the Titanic syndrome: that withholding a leak within self-contained bulwarks can somehow stop the ship from sinking. Icebergs do not recognise engineers' plans; rips do not respect bulwark barriers. There is no such thing as a financial crisis with no effect on economic growth. There is no such thing as a credit crunch which leaves homeowners and unsecured borrowers unscathed.

As usual, the media commentators restrict themselves to specialist opinion. I've no idea whether they do this because sub-eds strike out anything more broadly intelligent, or they fear the effects of speaking frankly, or they just aren't bright enough to grasp what's going on. What I do remain sure about is that what we are seeing is ultimately nothing more than history's catalysts ushering in an entirely new era of financial and economic thought.

Shakespearean tragedy

A senior Wall Street source told the Sunday Times at the weekend that 'we are in only the first act of a five-act Shakespearian tragedy.'

A layman's view

No less an institution than Lehman Brothers has been targeted as the possible next victim of US financial turbulence. Lehman Brothers going down the tubes would be the equivalent of Sainsbury being insolvent in the UK

The Swiss Family Job's comfort

Credit-Suisse commented that "In our view we are going to carry on lurching from one crisis to another. Anyone who sees this as a short-term blip is either mad or blind or both".

The London Interbank Offered Rate (LIBOR) is applied to 60% of lending between banks in the UK. Its current interest rate position at 5.93% does not exactly display confidence in the ability of financial filks to settle their debts.

Economic research shows....

The US National Bureau of Economic Research has predicted that the country's recession will be "substantially worse than anything we have known snce World War Two". In the UK, Ernst & Young delpored the fact that in Britain, "both the internal budget and overseas trade account are in the red. This does not marry well with the Chancellor's view that the UK is better equipped than most to withstand the world recession".

Citigroup concurred, adding "high personal debt and the low savings ratio suggest the UK's growth-fall will be the sharpest in the G7".

An in-depth view

RIA Capital Markets told the media last Saturday afternoon that "the debate has passed on from being if there will be a major US recession to how profound it will be".

The insurers' policy

Debt ratings sit at dangerously high risk levels for Lehman, AIG, Alliance & Leicester, Bradford & Bingley and Royal Bank of Scotland.

(18.3.08)


 

Time for thinking outside the Frame

 

The sign of a healthy culture is one where there is genuine confidence in the strategy being followed, and genuine interest in the views of dissenters.

I'm fairly sure that this situation has never pertained in my lifetime. During the 1950s, stultifying rules of conformity hid the reality of a nation determined to hang on to what Imperial certainties were left. In the 1960s, dissent hid its essentially immature nature behind slogans of Socialist certainty. From 1974 until 1990, the New Left's ugly side was first opposed and then crushed by the equally unpleasant face of a Fundamentalist Right.

From Major to today, people tell us, there has been nothing in the way of belief - merely panics, tactics and cynical spin. But I'm not sure I accept that standard view any more: I think this is a fair description of what the political Establishment has been about a lot of the time, but there are two other important features missing from the analysis.

The first of these is an unparalleled level of philosophical confusion among those outside the ruling class. They (we) may not describe the syndrome in those terms - people might say things like 'everything's changing so fast', 'society is so complex now' and 'you can't trust any of them' - but what I suspect they mean is 'I don't know who stands for what any more, and I don't know whether to believe them'. For me, that's philosophical confusion, however unconscious.

The second is a controlling tendency among the Establishment. With no confidence in their ability to control events - and no credo in which they have any real confidence - our rulers (I'd call them leaders, but they don't lead) seek to control those areas into which debate might wander. Nothing else could explain the emergence of a contradictory dictum like political correctness in a supposedly democratic libertarian society. The essential intent behind it is what the American intellectual classes these days dub 'framing'.

Framing is the art of pushing your debating opponent into a corner where he or she does not belong. The term itself borders on genius, using as it does the double entendre of false witness, and coralling an alternative belief system intoa captive space. Joe McCarthy forced everyone who opposed him into the frame of 'Commie'. Baroness Thatcher did the same with her use of the term 'wet'. And the gargoyles around Bush have achieved it using 'soft on terrorism' as the frame.

In any culture, framing is both dishonest and dangerous. But in a situation where thinkers are already frustrated by their own uncertainty (and disturbed at the lack of real control over events by those to whom they pay taxes) it is asking for serious trouble. Under such circumstances, framing is nothing more than the crushing of dissent with spin-tanks.

Millions of people in Britain today have no idea where to put themselves on a politico-economic spectrum, and no allegiance to any one Party - or indeed any Party at all. When thinking about such anxious uncertainty is met with derision and insult, it breeds alienation. (To offer one important contemporary example, I am getting tired of my perfectly well-evidenced view that bourse capitalism is in need of fresh thinking and radical reform being 'framed' as the opinion of a grumpy old Leftie tree-hugger.)

Mainstream political parties talk a good game about being 'representative', but they do not represent - they do not even reflect organic social trends any more. They merely have Whips, and - hiding behind these foul blackmailers - an Executive keen to present, not represent. All-women and All-black lists do not an in-touch Party make: they are merely the tokenist window-dressing of opportunists. Down that road lies mediocrity of thought unconnected to social need. At the end of that road lies 78% of all Britons implacably opposed to further immigration, and an Establishment still thinking in the racial overtones of thirty years ago.

The older I get, the less I want to be framed, and the more I become tired of an increasingly authoritarian orthodoxy. You always know when there's an authoritarian Prime Minister, because he finds it necessary to tell us he is keen to listen. And you always know when there's an orthodoxy, because it becomes necessary to give Thinking outside the Box a name. Brown does not do listening, and the political elite today does not do thinking anywhere near the confines of the box: these real signs of an open mind are replaced by policy reviews and initiatives and Tsars and crackdowns and visions. But the result - the goal - is zero incursion upon What They Want to Do.

The unknowing mission of politicians in 2008 is to retain power at all costs, and frame anyone who gets in their way. It's why they look like catatonic rabbits, frozen by the headlights, when asked to actually do something substantively relevant to a period beyond next year. It's why they will spend 13% of the UK tax budget to save an empty Geordie Bank. It's why they will come within weeks of agreeing to a law allowing one religious group complete freedom from criticism. It's why they will get into bed with gun-toting Texans keen on a revenge that involves destabilisation of the Middle East.*

The mission of central bankers and industrial captains today is to preserve a bourse-driven system that perceptive observers feel increasingly certain is flawed. It's why they lash out with extreme framing whenever anyone of influence suggests there might be other people in the world beyond shareholders, and other domiciles in the world beyond offices. It's why they guffaw when respectable magazines point out that merger and acquisition are usually more about Chairman ego than shareholder value. It's why they chuck taxpayers' money at the problem of idiotic, target-driven lending policies, and give this suicidal business practice the sort of name suggestive of an accident - 'sub-prime credit crunch'.

Ours is a sick culture. There is no confidence in the strategy - too often, no interest - and an almost manic fear of alternative ideas. In such a culture, those in charge (scared of the fresh, the new, the past and the future) will only ever extol the virtues of banal analysis, and promote the grey technocrat. There will be no end to this until we admit genuine reformers to this country's political Uberbau. With his promise to ally himself only with parties who will reform our democratic procedures, the inexperienced but determined Nick Clegg offers a flickering candle of hope. If and when it is snuffed out, even braver souls will be called upon to light a new, more brilliant torch.


* The best analysis of this decision I have so far read is that of Steve Richards in The Independent of 27th March 2008

(25.3.08)


AS DISTURBING EVENTS UNFOLD IN TIBET, IRAQ, RUSSIA AND AFRICA, WE ASK: WHOSE REALITY IS MOST ALTERED?

THE ALTERED REALITY CLUB ISN'T EXCLUSIVE

 

And so at last (for now) Al Fayed has put his legal crocodiles back on the leash. What three-quarters of us in Britain apparently think was a farce from start to finish ended with a Judge politely telling the foul-mouthed owner of Harrods that his son and Diana died as a result of drunk driving exacerbated by newshounds. Mr Edinburgh nowhere near scene, case closed.

But in the end, we all have our own reality. As Kelvin Mckenzie pointed out on Sky News earlier this week, the man in the Middle Eastern street will always believe the death was an Establishment plot to stop a Muslim ascending to the throne. To us this is a combination of paranoia alongside a weak grasp of royal genealogy, but that's not the point: we're not talking correct or mistaken here - we're into that creepy land where other cultures live.

I recently spent a couple of weeks in South Africa, and as there were free Pan African magazines available on the SAA flight, I grabbed a few to read. After a couple of hours of reading this tripe, I was horrified. Apart from the usual stuff about everything being Whitey's fault, there was a mainstream of consciousness that went on and on: the West's secret societies (including the WI and a literary group at Harvard), AIDS introduced into Black Africa by the CIA, Traditional African Medicine rubbished by a jealous West; all you need is a shower after sex to avoid AIDS - and if that's not handy, rub your bits with garlic; time for Bwana to apologise more grovellingly for slavery, why the West has trumped up charges against that nice Mr Mugabe.....I didn't sleep well during the rest of the flight.

Lunatic or not, I must stress that these were not fringe publications. The main one New African is the biggest seller on that continent, and the others were as much about business and current affairs as they were about la-la-land conspiracy theories. On arrival in Cape Town, I picked up the main broadsheet paper there to discover the drunken (and corrupt) Health Minister's plans to fast-track Traditional African Medicine into the RSA's hospitals - without the tedious formality of clinical trials. Clinical trials, she insisted, were all a Western plot to discredit Black achievements.

Over the last week, the controversy about torture and torches has rumbled on. It was again instructive to listen to interviews with ordinary Beijing residents, who almost to the last man said the whole ker-fuffle was nothing more than Western fang-woi jealousy of China's enormous economic success: Tibet, they insisted, had always been a Chinese territory, and always would be. The following day, Tibet's Governor Qiangba Puncog fixed the cameras with an icy stare to tell us all that any further disturbances in the province would be treated as Western interference. Mr Qiangba looks like the kind of chap who doesn't take holidays - or prisoners.

Now the obvious conclusion to draw from all this is that the Imperialist legacy is still there, gibbering away in a locked attic, just waiting to be set free so it can bite us. To some extent, we must accept and live with this. My own view (having travelled more now and plucked at some passing wisdom on the way) is that Empires - while appalling at the time for any indigenous person of an independent disposition - are usually a civilising force, and that with their retreat goes a lot of the civilisation with which they arrived. But the fact remains that from the Middle Ages onwards, Americans, Christians, Imperialists and other caucasian conquerors have been kicking the other guys around in a pretty casual manner, and this has not been forgotten by the recipients. (Much closer to home, Putin's Russia represents a similar, if more cynically sane, version of the same syndrome.)

We can laugh about this, we can get angry about this, and we can try to refute the charges. But none of that is going to have the slightest effect upon those who regard the western capitalist white man as fundamentally evil and (in many ways) inferior. The only thing likely to change our image among those of an altered reality is a change in our behaviour.

This change must be twofold: as Theodore Roosevelt advised, "Speak softly and carry a big stick". The first thing the West must be from now on is consistent. Both the Chinese and Arab cultures regard western Christians as fundamentally devious and weak. They in particular (or rather, their leaders) will have to recognise that a line in the sand is exactly that. In Middle Eastern terms, this means not deserting those Iraqis who have helped the West in its attempt to replace warring factions with some form of stability: the policy is doomed, but again - that's not the point. We have to be seen to have backbone. So the line in the sand must be Afghanistan, and a safe passage elsewhere for brave people in Baghdad.

Secondly, we need to replace the ignorant and licentious features of our culture with something altogether more admirable. Understanding Arabist ideas would be a major leap forward (starting in Washington) and also coming to grips with the fact that Arabian, Chinese, Russian and African cultures have never embraced libertarian democracy. They very probably never will - and ultimately, if they ever do, then it has to be their own idea. Shock and Awe is fun for the generals and the Chimp, but it's merely storing up more resentful victims as recuits for the Mad Folks.

In turn, we could clear out the media-fixated reptiles currently running the UK, the USA and the EU. We could make our democracies truly egalitarian and inclusive, as opposed to the hypocritical hot air they are at the moment. And above all, we could reject the muddled social liberalism of the last thirty years - replacing it not with illiberal laws (the current tactic) but a full citizenship for all that has to be earned: earned in the shape of educational diligence, compulsory 'social' service, familial loyalty - in fact, community contribution rather than Community Charge.

The aims would be simple: to reduce the power of wasteful central government, to further demonstrate the attractiveness of our true culture to those elsewehere, and to give us back some pride in what we're about. The last thing I mean by that is the sort of jingoistic hubris we saw after the 7/7 bombings. I envisage instead an inward-looking emphasis on personal responsibility for oneself and the community; and an outward-looking attitude that offers a preparedness to understand those with different ideas - as long as they stay on their own turf.

Of course, fat Establishment political parties and free-market economists won't be up for any of this: chiefly they're up themselves - as evidenced by Gordon Brown's risible decision to boycott the Olympic opening ceremony, and then pitch up all smiles for the closure of the Games. As with pretty much everything this column discusses, the answer seems to be the same over and over again: take the power away from multinational employers and centralised government, and give real responsibility back to communities where people work for decent organisations.

You can either see this as my tramline, or a culture going off the rails - the choice is yours. But yelling 'pipe dream' won't cut it as long as the alternative is a pipeline full of nightmares.

(10.4.08)


coming to our senses

 

We tend to talk about 'the five primary senses' when referring to our species - sight, hearing, smell, taste and touch - but in reality they are all one. Our brain merely interprets each energy type with which it interacts in a different way, but the principle mechanism is always exactly the same: physical stimulation.

When light waves touch the eye's retina, they agitate the rods and cones therein to produce what we regard as reality. It does this by separating the white light into colours and shades, and the lines of objects thus 'seen' into shapes, depths and perspectives.

Similarly, sound waves hitting the ear's tympanic membrane activate a vibration which is then amplified by the drum. Molecules of objects which have undergone chemical change are carried by airwaves, landing on minute, fibrous receptors in the nose. Solid and liquid substances do precisely the same when they hit the tongue's taste buds. And the skin's epidermis reacts to contact with hot and cold liquids, solids and gases - and the movement thereof.

All the real 'work', however, is being done by the brain. Both instinctive (heat) and memory banks (taste) are used to decide what the overall body's response should be to these collisions. When light hits an eyelid, this too helps stimulate emergence from sleep (although the overriding decision as to wakefulness is taken elsewhere), and when female skin makes contact with that of the opposite sex, a powerful instinct (pro or anti depending on other sense organs) is instantly activated.

But really, there is only one sense - touch. Different energy types touch different receptors, and these respond in the way they have evolved to do. There may be many sensations, but touch is the only 'sense'. All experience that is real for us comes from one form or another of physical contact.

Four thoughts may be worth taking away from this observation.

First, the long-sought 'sixth' sense is really the second sense. Further, there may be a third, fourth and myriad others not dependent on physical stimulation. Perhaps 'emotion' is a second sense....although more likely, this too is the result of electrical energy sparking from one cerebral synapsis to another.

Second, the most important thing separating Man from other species (we can be almost certain) is our species' tendency for the vast majority of 'real' time to subjugate sensory perception to the somewhat capricious will of the Mind. We are indeed the sapiens suggested by our name - and we do it far too much. The Mind, on the whole, deals with past and future: but the senses always remain in Now.

Third, physics showed us many decades ago that there are myriad other energy forms to which we ( ie, Homo sapiens) are not sensitive. Perhaps the most important of these is electro-magnetic energy which, it has now been proved, connects every substance in the Universe: we can't see, taste, smell, hear or touch it, but it is there. Everything is connected - and 'travel' along this network (should it be possible) is not held back by e = mc2. Einstein's electrons responding instantaneously to stimulation millions of light years apart suggested this; and in 1985, the French Aspect experiments proved it. In short, 'time' can be ignored in the electro-magnetic realm....when you know how.

Fourth, this makes extra sensory perception (esp) perfectly possible - viz, an instantly communicated response between two living beings separated by hundreds of miles. No friction is involved, and thus e = mc2 can be ignored. (Much of the field-test evidence for esp is, if not always convincing, then certainly striking.)

Religious thought - as handed down by 'genuine' prophets - has arrived at these extrapolations intuitively. The problem is that most of the essentially human egos who carried on their work have perverted the ideas, but more importantly made a hopeless mess of explaining them. In my view, the one exception to this is Buddhism - chiefly because there is no Deity involved whose name can thus be used in vain to suppress alternative prophets, commit genocide, torture believers and so forth. Buddhists, on the whole, are good at sticking to the plot.

There are several key tenets of Buddhism which leap from the page in the light of this melange of science and intuition. Spend part of each day observing your senses and staying in Now. Physical distance, separation, and Time are all illusions. The Answer lies within. And Eternity is a place with no Time - not a Heaven that lasts forever.

E= mc2 is essentially the formula invented (by something - who knows what?) which ensures all physical things are trapped (by the unbeatable speed of light) in this physical Universe we inhabit. If evolution has any purpose, then I suspect it is eventually the perfection of a species capable of realising that its destiny is to escape the Whether Man as a whole can evolve, investigate, reason and make the necessary creative leap to such an understanding is impossible to judge. But right now, the signs aren't that propitious.

(18.4.08)


 

New Labour's desertion of the poor offers an opportunity for other Parties

 

1. The reality of British poverty

The dust having settled on the Government backbenchers' rather second-rate rebellion this week, I would imagine most observers will see the event as nothing more than nervous MPs in poorer areas worrying about their chances of electoral survival. There must be a strong element of that: for one thing, we didn't see this kind of rebellion when Tony Blair was equally indifferent to wealth disparities during the Good Times.Only now - when canvassers in the local elections suddenly start to see narrowing majorities wiped out by the abolition of the 10% tax rate - do the Field Guns get drawn up outside the Brown Redoubt.

But this shouldn't be taken to mean that the rebellion was based on falsehoods. I was interested to read Steve Richards in The Independent of 22nd April saying that the alleviation of poverty was the reason why the Prime Minister came into politics - that this is his 'home ground', upon which he feels more at ease. My interest stemmed from having done some research earlier in the week to try and botttom out the nature and extent of wealth disparity in the UK. Because if this represents the caring side of Brown, then I'd worry very much about the things he doesn't care about.

'Lifting people out of poverty' is one of Gordon's favourite phrases. When under fire (as he was yet again at PMQs this week) he falls back on the familiar statistics: over a million children taken out of poverty, 600,000 adults lifted to safety - and so on and so on. But what we never hear about is the overall numbers in the poverty trap, and what their share of our wonderfully performing 'best in the G7' economy is. The figures go beyond revealing: they are shocking.

Thirty years ago when Sunny Jim wondered what crisis there might be in Britain, 50% of the population owned 12% of the wealth. During the final Act of the Major government's meltdown, and after nearly two decades of Tory free markets, the poorest 50% of the country owned 6% of the wealth. By 2002 this had shrunk to 2%. Today it is 1%.

The reason why (I suspect) you've never seen that 1% figure before is that it's not the one normally used - it excludes any wealth in property. When one adds in home ownership as part of the National Wealth, the bottom 50% actually have 7% of the wealth, lucky people. Mind you, this too has halved under New Labour. The reason I think the property exclusion figure far more realistic is first, house-price inflation has ripped ahead in the last decade: it emphatically does not represent anything 'fairer' done by society or government to make these people better off. And second, one can't eat or spend bricks - we all need somewhere to live...even these forgotten souls. (What these people do of course is borrow against the property in order to keep their heads above water...from which come sub-prime lending crises and people facing foreclosure with nowhere to go.)

Statistically, a bit of juggling with the figures (something of a New Labour art-form) would quite easily 'lift out' 1.6 million people from the poverty trap. But I'm not going to accuse the Government of that, because it simply isn't necessary to make the appalling case against it - a case of guile,hypocrisy and obfuscation that has hidden the real nature of wealth disparity in 2008 Britain.

The generally accepted definition of poverty in the UK is 'anyone living on less than 60% of the national wage'. It's not exact, of course: comfortably retired people with no debt often do this,but have access to liquid capital if they need it. What one can say, however, is that 50% of citizens sharing out 1% of the non-property wealth makes it likely that they're struggling at least part of the time.

In answer to a Parliamentary question in October 2007, the ONS released data showing that 1.3% of all jobs are below the minimum wage level. The Government doesn't know how many people work in the Black economic sector for cash, and doesn't know how many have 60% of the minimum income; yet somehow,it knows with miraculous ease that it's lifted 1.6 million people beyond that figure. Er...how?

Other figures we do know: 18.6% of UK citizens are retired, and just uder 70% of these exist on the State Pension. Further, in round figures the minimum wage is £160 per week, and the State Pension is (at best) £90 a week. 60% of £160 is £96. Ergo sum, every State Pensioner is in the poverty trap.

Unemployment in the UK (as I write in 2008) stands at 1.6.million. 780,000 of these are claiming the Job Seeker's Allowance; this varies by age and circumstances, plus there are tax credits and Income Support - as one would expect, the system is ludicrously over-complicated. But basically, an average unemployed person would probably get circa £80 a week. Most would get less. Ergo sum, the vast majority of the Unemployed are in the poverty trap.

My apologies for the statistical bombardment, but at least in writing one can read it a few times and form an opinion. Gordon Brown (and most Government ministers) adopt the tactic of gabbling the numbers during PMQs: this is how they get away with bare-faced lies. Anyway, the 50% of folks sharing out 1% of the weatlh between them is 30 million people now. Because of population growth (about 11%) since 1997, direct comparisons are not easy. Equally, in 1997 these people shared six times more of the wealth available than they do now. And finally, the national wealth has grown dramatically - but as I noted earlier, the great majority of that is in property.

All this muddies the waters - which is exactly how the Government likes it. (If you find that a harsh and biased observation, remember that both the independent ONS and NAO (statistics and audits) have criticised the Government publicly on several occasions for unacceptable figures manipulation). The fact is, New Labour has serious form in this area. Luckily, a minimal amount of extrapolation is all that's required to nail the degree of dishonesty involved. The bottom line is that - while often referred to in writing as 'New' Labour - a more correct use of apostrophes would be New 'Labour'.

With the figures of State Pension benefit and numbers dependent on it, we have thirteen million UK citizens firmly in the poverty trap. With a further (and this is being generous to the Government) 500,000 unemployed in the same position, the very minimum trapped is 13.5 million. As young job-seekers (16-25) get a lower Unemployment benefit, the figure must be much higher - but there's no credible way to calculate it because (again) the Government doesn't know the number. It is known and accepted, for instance, that perhaps in excess of 10% of all the poor are single-parent women suffering from former-partner neglect.

Adjust for inflation and relative differences in real wealth, and then divide by seven to assess the resources of the bottom 50% in 2008, and even including only the pensioners, the unemployed, and allowing for only 10% of low wage earners to be at 60% legal minimum or less, it is almost statistically certain that compared to eleven years ago, there are five and a half million more people who are poverty-stricken in Great Britain. To be honest, I'm not really interested in people telling me 'ah but we've had immigration,and more baby-boomers are retired now', because Governments are primarily there to protect their citizens,and plan for such eventualities. I'm also uninterested in a sterile debate about whether this is unfair: in a modern First World State priding itself on compassion, it is unacceptable - fair or not.

Well, Tony Blair wanted a legacy, so there it is.

Here we see despicable Government dissembling revealed on a grand scale: 1.6 million people lifted out of the cess pit, and 5.5 million falling in. 'Did we forget to mention those joining the party as well as those leaving it? Dear me,what an oversight.'

2. Some socio-economic ramifications

All these numbers do is bring into sharp focus the claims made for many years now by people like the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, the Tomorrow Project for social inclusion and even some commercially available data on spending power (PDI).

Target Group Index (TGI), for instance, continues to show that even among the top (AB) social class, only a minority have started any kind of old age provision at age 35. By 2013 (says the Customs & Revenue) another seven million State pensioner-dependent people will have pitched up at the Post Office for their weekly pittance. By then of course there might not be any Post Offices left: as Unison has pointed out, the poorer and older members of society are three times more likely to suffer from closures compared to the better off.

The Rowntree Foundation has quite rightly fingered marital break-up (and the pathetic failure of the CSA) as strong reasons for the growth of 30-50 year old women living in poverty. Child Poverty UK measured the UK level for same at 10% of all children. All the charities concerned in the field agree that the level is much higher than it was five years ago. Every time a child is born (says the Child Poverty Action Group) one in six families will fall into poverty as a result of it. Our CP rates are among the highest of developed nations. Dr Barnado's noted in 2007 that the number of additional children in poverty rose by 200,000 in 2006 alone.

These are the figures never bandied around by Government ministers in debates and interviews, but they entirely support my contention (based on freely available national statistics) that under New 'Labour', the poor are getting poorer; and that within that, abject poverty is rising steadily. Given this reality, one might have expected this week's Backbench rebellion to have shown just a little more backbone.

However, we are coming to the political ramifications in due course. Both socially and economically, the Government is storing up a potential nightmare for the medium-term future. With the recession now all but here, tax revenues will fall. If there is further sub-prime fall-out (or more subsidies for incompetent bankers) the Treasury will find itself even more strapped for funds. If Darling's growth forecasts are wrong (and the IMF says they're miles out) there'll be less tax income and more unemployment benefit to pay out. As and when those extra Baby Boomers hit 65, the cost of State Pension provision must sky-rocket. Where, we ask ourselves, is all the money going to come from?

More divorces, more single parents, more benefit payments. More alcohol dependence, more crime, more poverty. We are rapidly creating a culture in the UK where half the population could create one or more forms of social disorder via burglary, looting and violent demonstration. Only a tiny proportion of the very and super-rich will be able to afford private protection from this. The rest will live in fear. Both those in fear and those in revolt are bound to find extreme solutions to this situation attractive.

 

For a good six years now, I've been hearing those who reject my warnings of potentially totalitarian ramifications as 'risible'. I assume they still think this, but I can't for the life of me understand why. We have the following classic features in our democracy that are widely recognised as the necessary prerequisites for wholesale loss of liberty and the rise of dictatorial government:

1. External bogey-men

2. Erosion of legal protection of everything from habeus corpus to trial by jury

3. Expansion of proposed police powers to punish without recourse to the Courts

4. An alienated (and substantial) group who are poor and believe existing political processes to be of no relevance to them; and a wealthier 'middle' class frightened of rising crime emanating from it.

5. Steadily falling voting levels and growing political indifference

6. A very large group of citizens with material aspirations who are already insanely over-borrowed, and increasingly likely in the current financial climate to find themselves insolvent and/or homeless

7. Dumbed dilution of social ethics in general and the importance of community cohesion in particular.

Sooner or later, therefore, socio-economic reverses in that context must have potentially adverse political consequences.

3. A problem and an opportunity

We learned on Thursday this week that Gordon Brown was 'mortified' by the effect his Budget would have on the poor. As he's been in charge of the purse-strings for over a decade, I find this an extraordinary assertion. As a man supposedly using taxation as part of a social strategy, how could he allow a presentation of the Budget to Parliament and not know this? Does he not actually know the wealth distribution in the country of which he's supposed to be leader?

In the 1996-2007 period, the very rich's share of UK wealth rose from 47% to 58%. Today,while half the country exists on 1% of the wealth, 1% own half of it. But if consequent social unrest and an unsavoury change of political system could be on the horizon (and these figures are on a 1789 in France scale of disparity) it doesn't have to happen: if anything, rather more likely in my view is one or more Opposition leaders spotting just how radically the nature of UK social groups has altered - and looking to exploit that for the best of reasons through the democratic process.

One of the alarming things about British politics it its sclerotic nature. We used to pride ourselves on its 'stability', but fifty years on we need to get real - our political process is nothing more than the Python's parrot: it's stable because it's dead.

By the clever processes of an unrepresentational voting system, a ruinously high cost of entry for new Parties, and some judicious gerrymandering here and there, the Establishment has ensured its survival as a ridiculously narrow elite. Consisting far too often of Party 'lifers', Scottish intellectuals, silks and Oxbridge graduates, it allows in the odd (usually very odd) affirmative action tokens like John Prescott and Hazel Blears; but by and large, those 'in power' in Britain today are as out of touch with normal daily life as any senior apparatchik lolling about in the dachas of the 1970s Soviet Union.

We refer to Left and Right and a working man who's been extinct for two decades. We do not have an influential political Party in England representing a genuine social movement any more. We have one in Scotland (the SNP) - and while its aims are misguided, politics north of the Border are the better for it. Most UK political policy is tactical now because there are no goals any more - no revolutions to resist and barricades to mount - only power bases and lobbies.

Yet our demographics of wealth in 2008 paint exactly the same picture as that which led to the rise of the Labour Party in the latter part of the nineteenth century.

At the top of the pile sit the very to super rich. They are the three and a half million (6%) who own close on 60% of the wealth.

Next comes a group I'll call Very Comfortable - the 4% who own 12%.

Then, a third group - Doing Alright - that 15% of the country owning 14% of the wealth. Below them are those Getting By - a quarter of citizens with 14% between them.

But then - bang! - half the total population divvying up 1%. Thirty million people.

Are they all gaga? Well, 11.3 million Britons are over 65, and 30% of these are NOT in the bottom 50%. (The UK's retired population is the most starkly 'Two Nations' demographic of the lot). So we're probably talking 24 million, of which 12% are children, and not eligible to vote. I'd say that's a minimum of 18 million voters of working age.

They are (in no order of merit) recent immigrants, young unemployed, long-term older unemployed, single mothers (unmarried) and single mothers (divorced). They will be transient or living with parents, using public transport, poorly educated - of rudimentary political knowledge, but cynical about Government and scared of authority.

They are far more likely than the rest of us to have a bad diet, history of substance abuse, dysfunctional and fragmented family structure, and/or a depressive illness.

Finally, they are unlikely to have access to plastic credit, electronic media - or even a phone.

Much of the above summary is based on the usual sources - Charities, the Health Ministry, the Department of Work and Pensions, the ONS, and the NAO. But I am not ashamed to say that it's also based on three decades of interviewing literally hundreds of these people.

I mainly encountered them as a market researcher and advertising strategist working for government clients and quangos in the 1980s and 1990s. And the main thing the experiences taught me was that these people are neglected by politicians because they are very difficult to either target or motivate. (If there's one thing that bores the average politician, it's the folks he or she can't find, and can't persuade to vote.)

After a Leftist youth, experience taught me that (as the Victorians were wont to remark) 'the poor will always be with us'. But having been face to face with the various strands of this group over the years, I also feel certain that many of them are not Underclass - rather, they are underdogs. And they could be persuaded - via the genuine concern of underdog politicians - to identify with an underdog Party.

Think of it this way: half of our country in 2008 is not represented. While pc poseurs witter on about being representative via the illogical idea of affirmative action, they have forgotten how to represent.

Citizens of a truly libertarian democracy have very few inalienable rights - but one of them should be representation. 'No taxation without representation' said Wilkes and the American colonies. Another, I think (having been born in the first half of the twentieth century) is the right to try and achieve dignity, and to have equal treatment before the law.

The United Kingdon in 2008 has none of these inalienable rights for half its population. And because of this, a further quarter are worried about their own safety - as well (I suspect) as being resentful of how they too have been left behind by neo-liberalist economics.

New 'Labour' no longer represents or understands these underdogs. The underdog UK political Party - the Liberal Democrats - is in the best position to take their side: it should focus on doing so.

(25.4.08)


Have contemporary media made real human beings unelectable?

 

One has to go back a long way to find an entirely admired leader. Later generations might revise even that view (Churchill, Attlee, Kennedy, Gorbachev and Reagan apply here); the reality is that only those leaders who predate mass media remain free from revisionist criticism. Sister Theresa, Muhammed Ali and Nelson Mandela break this rule, but then none of these were really practising leaders for much of their lives.

On the whole, Queen Victoria, Napoleon, George Washington and Abe Lincoln - while they have their critics - are held up as heroes in one way or another. That is, their foibles and weaknesses are as little compared to what they achieved and overcame. Further back, Richard the Lionheart, Edward the Confessor, Boadicea and Augustus Caesar are generally put forth as fair and wise. More distant still, Alexander the Great and Amenhotep III are thought to be almost beyond reproach.

But had there been a Washington Post, Elba Enquirer, English Mirror, Roman Sun, Greek Telegraph and Egyptian Guardian, the story might well have been very different.

The problem faced by conemporary leaders is that the merest pecadillo,the slightest sexual lapse and the most minor mental eccentricity will be analysed, satirised and criticised until only the worst kind of robotic technocrat makes it through to a senior position.

This is no small issue. The great First World War leader Lloyd George had the kind of libido to make Jack Kennedy seem like a monk by comparison. Churchill was, as a rule, affected by drink from 4pm onwards.But these two were lucky enough to be in charge in an age before tabloid piglets screamed threats through the letter-boxes of the famous.

Ted Heath was damned from the moment the press discovered he had no wife (nudge-nudge) and little in the way of a sense of humour. Jimmy Carter was gone the minute he failed to complete a Presidential jog in perfect condition. George Bush senior never recovered from throwing up at a Japanese formal dinner.

On the other hand, leaders who can show off a credible 'normality' have little or nothing to fear.

Harold Wilson smoked a proletarian pipe (in private, he actually preferred cigars) and liked HP Sauce. Jim Callaghan was slightly overweight and had a stable family life (which was in reality unstable) but included cute grandchildren. Margaret Thatcher presented herself as a housewife (which she had never been) and a shopkeeper's daughter (which she quite clearly wasn't). Tony Blair put himself forward as a straightforward family man - in most aspects, quite true - a conformist domestic arrangement that allowed him to ignore the poor, illegally invade a large country, and subvert the Rule of Law at home.

It seems to me that what we need here is less judgemental journalism, and more investigative journalists. Not the investigation of harmless human frailties, but the uncovering of hypocrisy.

We should not ask our leaders to be perfect. Rather, we should demand that they do their best.

(3.5.08_


 

The current collective noun for ideas is 'a lack'

 

In this seminal essay, the editor explains why his fears for our socio-economic future are based on more than natural glass half-emptiness

This represents a short, focused extract from a book on this and related subjects, where all the factual assertions made below are fully evidenced. If you wish to see the full version,you can email him at john@johnaward.net


At key points in history, there have always been those minorities convinced that the other 90% are wrong. There are often dozens of these tiny schisms with wildly differing views, but only one of them can be right - if indeed any of them are. But as often as not, it is the 90% who are wrong. So the problem still remains, which of the schisms is right? The best (although of course, not foolproof) way to discern this is by saying to oneself ‘let’s review the evidence’. Whichever schism seems to best reflect it is the winner

Although I’m not suggesting one should entirely ignore the 90%, as a historian it has long been my view that the majority is primarily influenced by wish-fulfilment and ‘what the experts say’. Before the second world war, right up until Hitler’s final treachery over Czechoslovakia, the majority of Britons thought there would be no conflict with Nazi Germany. In 1987, the overwhelming majority of my friends thought me mad to cut borrowing, get out of the stock market and withdraw from property. Along with the majority, however, in 1975 I thought Britain was doomed to slide into an insolvency from which it would never recover; and I was also one of the tiny minority who became Day One members of the SDP a few years later. Go figure: all I’m saying is, majorities are rarely right - and once experience taught me to look at the numbers and/or behaviour of a situation, on the whole I’ve been in a minority that was broadly more in touch with reality. Further, I have usually been awake enough to use the common sense that says ‘hang on, that cannot work’ and ‘sooner or later this will end in tears’.

Even so, what follows comes with a Health Warning. Consider yourselves warned.

Anyone putting himself in the ‘this is a time of cataclysmic change’ place is always in danger of being awarded the David Icke Award for Space Travel. Nevertheless, I’ve been in the Big Change camp for two to three years now; and over the last nine months, I’ve edged over towards cataclysm. Why?

A bit of it is my temperament: I do tend to see the downside more clearly. But having said that, the evidence is on my side in this case.

First and foremost, we have a series of concurrent shifts and trends never before seen together - at least, not in recorded history. In no particular importance hierarchy, these are: a Third World racing through Second on its way to First; a resurgent, Nationalist Russia armed with nuclear weapons; the planetary water supply’s increasing scarcity; religious fanaticism on a scale not seen since The Inquisition; the natural balance of Earth's ecology threatened to an as yet unclearly quantified degree; medical science offering the potential for everything from near-eternal life to a new human species; a global banking system in disarray caused by wishful thinking and incompetence; the world’s biggest economy spiralling into deep recession; consumer indebtedness in the West on a previously unseen scale; and (here in the UK) a level of denial about coming issues which would be laughable were it not so deadly serious

Proceeding from the last point above, the reason I am shifting from Major Change to Cataclysm is that big change becomes cataclysmic disaster when it isn’t managed properly. The old cliche that most generals start a new war still fighting with the weapons and tactics of the last one is no less accurate for being a cliche. A cataclysm occurs very rarely, but always because significant data has been ignored in favour of a quiet life. This could involve a rumbling Vesuvius or Hitler’s 1936 occupation of the Rhineland - or a wildly undervalued currency: it’s the willingness to ignore an event’s importance that makes meltdown more and more likely as events unfold.

The catalyst for tectonic change (it has seemed obvious to me for nearly four years now) is, in our contemporary case, the approaching end of a very long-term economic cycle - in the light of which, politicians appear either not to 'get it', or possibly in some cases keen to hide it. One gets this latter feeling about Gordon Brown: he may be electoral anti-matter, but he is a very bright man. If his intention is indeed to dismiss the Four Horsemen as simply passing traffic, then it is the very worst thing he could do: politicians should be preparing us for the shift ahead.

The Rock Affair (and the much larger Bear Sterns implosion in the US) have of course been noticed, but their significance has been ignored. While obviously very concerned about the potential consequences for the banking community and the global economy, the idea of doing something other than bringing more free booze to the orgy doesn’t seem to have ocurred to finance ministers or central banks. And while the booze is free for bankers, the taxpayers who stumped it up (see my piece When the Money Runs Out) - and the media eyeing the tableau for further drama opportunities - are beginning to ask what happens when a country has bankrupted itself baling out the incautious.

In short, the Darlings and Benankes have little to offer beyond ‘let’s get things moving again’. It's a practical approach,except hang on guys - that’s how we got into this mess. For sure, a sizeable minority of observers are pointing out the need for better warning systems, but only one FT journalist (MartinWolff) has so far come out of the closet and said ‘the whole system is flawed’.

My view is very much that he’s right: this is a system based on the central cornerstone of deregulation. If you need to regulate the thing, then it’s deficient in the ‘de’ prefix. (A week after Northern Rock, Alistair Darling was still proposing further deregulation of the banking system). The trouble is, neo-liberalist economists and business leaders are wary of this spade being called a spade, because to do so puts their whole theory of commerce up for debate. It tends to whisper stuff like ‘Isn’t the whole point of free-market economics that government butts out and taxpayers get to keep more of their earnings?’

Neo-liberalist economics in the UK has ruined pretty much everything it’s touched: banking ethics and borrowing practices, professional soccer, medicine, water supply, rail services (unbelievable but true), care of the elderly, sensible London property values, the Post Office and a plethora of other socio-economic dimensions of our culture. To be sure, it has rewarded those who dare, and (I think) made ethnic economic progress in some areas far more rapid than it would have been. It has made the majority of us property-asset rich. And driven sales of hitech, high-value goods to hitherto unimaginable levels: clothes and electronic goods, in particular, have never been cheaper.

But it has also acted as a powerful catalyst to create greed, selfishness, material obsession, massive transport pollution, disastrously falling public services, shrinking State Pension values, poor investment in policing, risibly risk-averse theatre, movies, books and media programming, obscene levels of indebtedness and - if one removes the property assets from the statistics - almost exactly half the country sharing out 1% of the wealth. The Thatcher/Reagan ‘trickle-down’ mantra was always complete nonsense, but the degree of the concept’s stupidity is now quantified for all to see.

Far from ‘lifting’ 1.6 million people out of poverty, economic policies driven entirely by Gordon Brown have produced a reality of 1.6 million out - and 4.8 million in deeper than since mid-Victorian times. Despite numerous stealth taxes however, Mr Brown’s overall approach has been entirely monetarist. His view is simple: everyone’s a neo-liberal now and the future is Global. If ever there was an underpowered tram trundling along ancient tramlines, it is our Prime Minister.

But the fact is, Globalism isn’t delivering. Or rather, it was - to the infinitessimally tiny minority of massively wealthy Sovereign shareholders - but now it’s not even doing that. Worse still, a domino effect is being created by the global alignment and interdependence of the Megabanks: as the EU Finance Commissioner told The Times recently, had Northern Rock been an international concern, the disaster would have been ten times worse - and impossible to control.

Western-vaunted Globalism stokes xenophobic Asian resentment of it. It leaves food to rot in the wrong place rather than being transported to where it’s most needed. It remains a fact (at least, that’s what it says on the CIA’s website) that the whole world could be fed beyond even satisfactory levels with 32% of current food production - were it better utilised and in better places. Bourse Globalism insists on ‘the market must decide’ (until things go wrong of course) and so now we see food and oil prices soaring. But Bourse trading is far too often an insane, adrenaline-fuelled den of inexperienced traders in pursuit of that illusory New Paradigm; and big Global players display frequently dysfunctional ethics whenever they are investigated by regulatory bodies. All up, until such time as a non-polluting means of international transport is in daily and almost universal use, the Globalist ‘ideal’ has virtually nothing to commend it.

There is a time and place for Free-Market economics, and these could be summed up as eighteenth century England, the mid nineteenth to early twentieth century USA, Russia before 1914 after 1990, and the ‘Brics’ today. But ultimately, undiluted and unreformed neo-liberalism always ends up in the same place: the poor getting poorer, quality of community life hurtling downhill, increased crime, the virtual obliteration of good Samaritans, corrupt government - and if one isn’t too careful, a revolution - swiftly followed by oligarchic fascism as the appetiser for a Personality Cult.

In every case so far recorded, balanced mixed-economy societies have proved to be safer, more content, and more stable - with better workforce efficiencies and higher rates of output growth. On this exact model, West Germany and Japan became the power-house economies of the postwar period.

The problem is maintaining the balance. Both the alternatives - especially command economies of the past, but increasingly the laissez-faire approaches currently in vogue - do not come within a country mile of mixed economies on the dimensions (both social and economic) that should matter in a caring culture. But more than most, I know only too well that one cannot go back to the past. One has to learn from its mistakes - and then have a fresh idea to cope with the future.

It seems to me that our current risk-averse culture not only lacks any such ideas - it is terrified of abandoning what we have. And it is this, I fancy, that will make the change cataclysmically painful - but in the longer run, force us to think more laterally.

One is struck by the way that, at the moment, the vast majority of media comment on socio-economic affairs is close up on the detail, technically obsessed but essentially blinkered. HSBC is up five, the pound is down against the Euro, will Freddie Goodwin go, is the Bank of England's bonds-for-junk scheme wise, and so on and so forth. We are watching things happen, but not seeing what's happening.

This simply won't do. The mega-issues must be opened up for debate - not framed by a panic-stricken Establishment as 'loony ideas'. What is the point of commerce? How should its success really be measured? Why is a company's first loyalty to a minute elite who aren't even involved in its business chain? If money isn't trickling down, why are services for the poor and old being starved in favourof the wealthy few? How can the New Labour government issue a 'stark warning' about a £6 billion shortfall in the aged care budget (after blowing £120 billion on a bank, another £18 billion on non-functioning IT systems for the NHS, while allowing an Olympic Games budget to double to nearly £9 billion) and expect to be taken seriously? What are we, their citizens, supposed to do as a result of that warning?

Neither major Party has either the inclination or capacity to raise these issues - with the exception of William Hague, and he remains (I suspect) a Thatcherite former business consultant at heart. Clegg and the Liberal Democrats are trying to raise some of them - especially the liberalisation of our political and voting processes - but it's not coming across as The Big Plan yet. Maybe from such a small Party, it never will: which is of course part of what we need to change.

The bottom line is this: the Great Experiment of the last forty years is as good as over. Two things are clear: let-it-rip every man for himself has failed the vast majority, and there are now far bigger concerns on the global horizon than simply the desire to make a great deal of money. The sorcerers being either dead or discredited, what we need is some brave apprentices.

(14.5.08)

Why the ideology-free technocrats have got it 100% wrong

Quite a few readers who are awake will have spotted that nby is having a 'let's get Miliband' fest at the moment. As with Gordon Brown eighteen months ago, I'm getting the odd irate email saying 'he's a decent bloke, leave him alone'. (Mind you, these are outnumbered 4-1 by the ones saying things like 'nail the bastard' - and much worse)

Oddly enough, I'm not really in sympathy with either of these viewpoints. As we're at pains to point out in Beady Eye , there is little or no doubt that financially and in his private life, our Foreign Secretary is as straight as they come. The problem is, he's part of the growing regiment of soi-disant tactician politicians: spinners, quick-on-their-feet snake-oil salesmen and 'professional politicians' fond of announcing that 'political philosophy is dead'.

If it were, I would add 'then God help us all'; but of course it isn't. It is a defining feature of this crew that because they have no ideas, ergo there aren't any. Like a bemused flock of arrogant ostriches, they stumble about, rationalising their confusion by revelling in the 'art' of opportunism.

It is an odd word 'opportunist', because it describes the sort of pragmatic people who are so busy looking for the 'easy way', they nearly always miss the genuine opportunity when it comes along. In a lifetime of dealing (variously) with sun-tanned advertising account execs, Ministers of the Crown, spoilt sons of the rich and very clever but hopelessly lazy people, I have seen them unable to distinguish the connection between wood and trees over and over again.

The term describes Tony Blair perfectly. Whatever he may say now, by 1995 Blair had convinced himself that no Party carrying the tag 'socialist' would ever again be elected by the British people. He thus felt Labour had to bury three fundamental tenets of the creed: suspicion of the USA and its high-handed foreign policy; anything suggesting that Baroness Thatcher might be talking twaddle about economics; and obvious tax increases.

In adopting this viewpoint, Tony Blair the professional politician blew opportunities that will never come again for Labour - New or otherwise. These included the chance (on a wave of landslide feelgood) to invest massively in the successor to the Health Service - ie, a radically different approach to ensuring nobody would suffer ill-health or death due to a lack of means. Another own-goal missed from three inches out was the chance to withdraw from the ludicrous idea of a 'special relationship' with America in favour of the EU - rather than from some outmoded collectivist suspicion of The Land of the Free. By doing the opposite, he dragged Britain into a pointless war, and condemned 56 Londoners (and a senior civil servant) to death.

But the biggest blunder of all was to come across as more Thatcherite than Thatcher - as opposed to the Man of Balance in search of the contemporary version of mixed economics. In doing so, he kept the hapless Gordon Brown in an armlock, and produced an anti-legacy that will damn Labour forever: its desertion of those most at risk in a devil-take-the-hindmost society. (He has also, needless to say, saddled his former Chancellor with a strategy that clearly isn't working).

During the current hybrid period of shift - from an almost entirely discredited anti-community ethic, economic credo and laissez-faire banking system to one more in tune with human and planetary needs - David Cameron has only flirted at best with a full-blown commitment to Something Better. He too has the flawed opportunist mentality (picking one piece of Government embarassment after another) which has missed several easy scoring chances - most notably over Brown's dissembling shambles of a 'policy' - because it is hard to see any new Tory philosophy for the twenty-first century as an alternative. (It's hard because there isn't one - however much this young man might insist there is).

So now - with Brown's demise either at the hands of the electorate or Parliamentary Party desperation a near-certainty - we have squeaky-clean Foreign Secretary David and his Miliband of Men. As a group of young pretenders, they lack only one thing: a genuine goal in the interest of future generations. No ideas emanate from the Haverstock Hill tendency, because its membership feel instinctively that any consistent view of the World is by definition a hostage to fortune - a millstone that could drown them if they pick the wrong wave.

It is for this reason that The Miliband are known by New Labour wags as 'Brownites for Blair'. Or, put another way, Hypocrites for Power. Looked at from this perspective, the professional politician takes on a similar meaning to the professional foul in top-flight soccer: in trying to sound justified, they reveal themselves to be utterly unprincipled.

This is a pity, because as intelligent people they need only be given an injection of insight to realise that the electorate is (quite rightly) gagging for an influential senior politician to say 'Look, none of the existing bollocks adds up - here's a carefully thought-through idea for a better way of doing things.'

It's not hard to flesh out what such an idea might be. Coming from what passes these days for the Left, The Miliband could so easily present themselves as the people to rein in half-arsed bankers and at the same time stop wholesale waste of taxpayers' money. There is a clear thread across these policies: caution.

If there is one thing people want at the moment, I would bet the farm on the fact that it's caution. Not in a bland, negative sense - but rather, as an antidote to the careless, wishful thinking of the last ten years.

And believe it or not, there is a powerful ideology lying behind this: the belief in slow, careful analysis of how to frame policy - rather than the instant-solution 'brain-stormed' half-baked ideas we have come to expect (and disrespect) from our contemporary leaders.

(21.5.08)

 

 


 

Common sense on Bovine TB....but for all the wrong reasons

For many years now, the same chaps who brought you CJD and mixamotosis have been pressing hard for the powers that be to cull badgers. The NFU and its members have long fingered Mr Badger as the main culprit involved in the spread of Bovine TB, despite the not surprising reality that in the vast majority of cases, it's spread from one cow to another.

As a country dweller, it is obvious to me that some Badgers are carriers. However, cattle with the disease are (a) bigger (b) easier to kill and (c)...er, owned by the farmers. There is also the moral issue - something farmers are usually hazy about - of assuming every badger is guilty until proven innocent by an autopsy, an approach to the issue which rhymes rather worryingly with Trial By Water as applied to possible witches in the Middle Ages. Under that system, suspects were weighed down with millstones and chucked in the nearest deep lake: if you floated, you were a witch and thus taken away to be burned. And if you sank....well, hard luck. Badger culling to control Bovine-TB is exactly the same, only not quite so even-handed.

Badgers are not the friendly, sage chaps depicted in The Wind in the Willows. They are solitary, and vicious if cornered - their claws can rip your skin to the bone. But being solitary,they rarely go in search of cowherds with a view to spreading their disease, or in search of an unpleasant death through trampling. So the NFU's campaign to depict them as herd-decimators has always lacked common sense and evidence.

Bizarrely however, these are NOT the reasons our leaders found against the farmers, oh dear me no. They decided against a national cull on the grounds first of expense (imagine the Government doing that) and second the likelihood of such action being unacceptable to the public. Actually, that's not entirely fair: Environment Minister Hillary Benn said he didn't want to do it if the voters were against the idea - which is almost as bad.

We must hope that Hills never becomes Secretary for Defence, as it seems highly likely that a full frontal assault on our shores by Mr Putin and his chums would be tolerated on the grounds of the expense involved in resistance. Mind you, he'd be the ideal Foreign Secretary to deal with the Zimbabwes of this world, and little more than a continuation of current NHS policy on cancer and Alzheimers were he ever to take on the mantle currently adorning the shoulders of Mr Brown's loyal servant Alan Johnson.

The strange and growing frenzy of stabbings in London

Although nby will be accused of tastelessness in pointing this out, the number of stab wounds reportedly involved in the horrific killing of two French students last week seems to be going up faster than the price of oil. From an estimate of 'around 170' last Wednesday, the figure climbed to an extraordinarily accurate 213 by the following afternoon, and by Friday had peaked at 249. There are various possible explanations for this - myopic post mortem staff, the police using the bodies for darts practice, media pack incompetence etc - but a dark part of me imagines Jacquie Spliff's Home Office transferring stabbings from elsewhere and dumping them on this random crime in order to make the knife-incident statistics look better.

The one headline any news website can simply set and use every day at the moment is 'Teenager killed in knife violence'. The numbers demonstrate once more the hermetically sealed zero-perception tank government folk inhabit. For months now everyone from Hazy Bleary to Keith Vaz has been using the 'this is not a situation I recognise on the ground' media-training balm to explain away reality. The 'media-invented obsession' line has some validity, but is being flogged to death by New Label on a daily basis - as a means of denying banking meltdown, a tax income disaster, imminent and deep recession, collapsing house prices and plummeting currency.

The solutions offered to tackle our contemporary Clockwork Orange rarely change from the PR piffle we've come to expect - knife amnesties, knife Tsars, knife road maps, knife enquiries - and do nothing to address the fundamental problem of familial and community breakdown, alienation, despair and frustration with a culture which perpetually congratulates itself on rude economic health, but remains unwilling to face the serious cancer in its body social.

The knee-jerk New Labour approach will be (once they're really cornered) get-tough-zero-tolerance-crackdown tactics. The requirement is for Brits everywhere to accept one simple fact: the party's over. We've had our decade of mindless personal indebtedness in the vain search for enriched happiness: now it's time for personal growth, and a return to focusing on the needs of the many.

(2.7.08)

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

contents